FTC action addresses corporate conduct that harms U.S. workers

The FTC recently settled charges against two companies for anti-competitive behavior, mandating that the companies cease and desist from participating in any activity to lower or fix employee wages.

The Federal Trade Commission on July 30 settled charges against Your Therapy Source, LLC, its owner Sheri Yarbray, and Neeraj Jindal, the previous owner of Integrity Home Therapy, for agreeing to fix the wages of the physical therapists they employ. The Commission alleged that the respondents violated Section 5 of the Federal Trade Commission Act, as amended, 15 U.S.C. § 45, because their behavior was “depriving therapists the benefits of competition among therapist staffing companies.”

The impact of an agreement to fix wages between the employment agencies is obvious—it would prevent therapists from leaving one of the companies for the other for better wages. The alleged activity clearly violates U.S. antitrust laws, and the Commission condemned their behavior and issued an order mandating that the respondents cease and desist from participating in any activity with any individuals or home therapy providers to lower or fix therapists’ wages.

The Washington Center for Equitable Growth in a recent comment letter to the Commission, highlighted a growing body of research that indicates this type of monopsony power is a growing problem because it can both decrease labor market productivity and artificially lower wages, thus contributing to increasing income inequality. U.S. markets have concentrated since 1979 and unions have declined over the past half-century. Today, there is increasing evidence that employers’ ability to set wages lower than workers’ marginal productivity has increased, and this effect has contributed to increasing income inequality.

Most recently, economists José Azar at the Universidad de Navarra’s ISESE Business School, Ioana Marinescu at the University of Pennsylvania, and Marshall Steinbaum at the Roosevelt Institute utilized the Herfindahl-Hirschman Index—the standard measure of concentration used in antitrust law—alongside online job postings to measure labor market concentration. They concluded that increasing market concentration from the 25th percentile to the 75th percentile of occupations associates to a 15 percent to 25 percent decline in wages. London Business School economist Simcha Barkai also finds a connection between increasing market power and a decline in the labor share of national income, but according to his work, a decline in both the labor share (by 10 percent) and the capital share (by 30 percent) resulted in a $1.1 trillion increase in profits.

David Weil, dean of the Heller School of Social Policy and Management at Brandeis University, blames monopsony power on the growth of the “fissured workplace,” which he describes as “the cracks upon which today’s economy largely rest, and it leaves so many without fair wages.” He says that wage discrimination as a result of monopsony power transfers more of the value-added productivity of workers to business owners, thus contributing to increased income inequality. All of these studies together indicate that firms utilize monopsony power by decreasing their labor costs in order to increase profits, thus stagnating labor productivity.

Federal antitrust enforcement agencies should concentrate on stopping anticompetitive conduct (including mergers) that increase monopsony power. The growing concentration of employers in various markets in the United States suppresses wages. In contrast, when markets are less concentrated, wages and productivity grow, leading to increased consumer demand and choice. A growing number of economists and antitrust scholars say that the same economic and legal analysis of product markets applies to the U.S. labor market. And it appears that the antitrust agencies are listening. In addition to this most recent action by the Federal Trade Commission, the Antitrust Division of the U.S. Department of Justice has challenged “no poaching” agreements, where employers agree not to recruit each other’s employees. These actions are an example of good empirical research driving good policy choices.

The Federal Trade Commission holds the responsibility of imposing remedies that are effective in restoring competition and preventing future violations. In response to the consent decree issued regarding the You Therapy Source case, Commissioner Rohit Chopra asked for public comments discussing whether the agency should have imposed stronger remedies in this case. Equitable Growth’s public comment explains the potential use of two classes of remedies: requiring the respondents to admit liability and monetary relief. Equitable Growth believes that the FTC should periodically evaluate agency policies regarding the use of strong remedies because they can be extremely effective in enforcing antitrust laws. Settling charges, when the remedies in issued consent decrees are deemed effective, can make vital resources available for the FTC to pursue other antitrust enforcement matters. But if respondents refuse to agree to the proposed remedies, then the agency has no choice but to expend these resources in litigation.

That’s why the FTC should weigh the costs of seeking these remedies with the need for the specific remedy to restore competition and prevent recidivism and assess whether or not a case of this magnitude holds the appropriate weight to implement these remedies. Equitable Growth commends this action as a step forward in protecting workers from anticompetitive behavior. Until recently, federal enforcement agencies rarely addressed the competitive effects of companies on U.S. labor markets.

The complete comment submitted to the Federal Trade Commission can be downloaded below.

Download File
Public Comment to FTC Re Your Therapy Source
Posted in Uncategorized

Brad DeLong: Worthy reads on equitable growth, September 7–13, 2018

Worthy reads from Equitable Growth:

  1. Will McGrew in his latest blog post sends us to a new study, “The New Wave of Local Minimum Wage Policies: Evidence from Six Studies,” by Sylvia Allegretto, Anna Godoy, Carl Nadler, and Michael Reich, which takes a narrow look at food services and drinking places and the minimum wage. Back when David Card and Alan Krueger wrote their “Myth and Measurement” study about how the costs of rising minimum wages had been vastly overstated, many—I might even say most—U.S. economists believed that their claim that the evidence showed that recent minimum wage increases had raised rather than lowered business demand for employees was overstated. Now I believe that is no longer the case: The majority view is that employers have market power, so a minimum wage is much more like good rate regulation of a monopoly utility rather than an anti-competitive “interference” in a well-working competitive market.
  2. An oldie but very goodie from our Research Advisory Board member and working paper author Sandy Darity, Jr.: “Africa, Europe, and the Origins of Uneven Development: The Role of Slavery.” It has recently become more fashionable in history to think harder about the long-term consequences of slavery for the development of the Commercial Revolution-era transatlantic economy and then for the Industrial Revolution. Darity was there more than a decade ago: “The economic foundations of the Atlantic slave trade and [its] … role in generating European and American … growth.”
  3. Praise for Heather Boushey‘s 2016 book, Finding Time: The Economics of Work-Life Conflict, comes courtesy of the New School’s Teresa Ghilarducci in Forbes: “Economist Heather Boushey argues that solving work-family conflicts would help drive more sustainable economic growth. And Americans agree.”
  4. Yes, the relationship between the U.S. unemployment rate and the vacancy rate is back to its pre-2008 normal, but the relationship between the prime-age employment rate and the vacancy rate is not. Whether the U.S. economy is now at “full employment” is thus a very dicey and unsettled question. To understand why, read Austin Clemens and Kate Bahn’s latest “JOLTS Day Graphs: July 2018 Report Edition.”

Worthy reads not from Equitable Growth:

  1. This is very well done by the Economic Policy Institute: “Interactive: The Unequal States of America.” EPI finds that “income trends have varied from state to state, and within states. But a pattern is apparent: the growth of top 1 percent incomes.”
  2. A piece that would be very valuable in any normal political-policy environment. Alas, we do not have a normal environment. Read Robert Z. Lawrence’s “How the United States Should Confront China Without Threatening the Global Trading System,” in which he writes: “The Trump administration’s willingness to violate trade rules to maximize its negotiating leverage is undermining its most important and most legitimate objective.”
  3. As the Rise of the Robots comes closer, the issues concerning the relationship between state and market become more complicated and more fraught. Read William H. Janeway’s “American Political Economy, Disrupted,” in which he writes: “Digitalization has also opened up a new front in the age-old confrontation with the state.”
  4. Take another, deeper, more accurate look at the origins of American “scientific management” and other fads and fashions that try to shift knowledge and control to the very top of hierarchical, bureaucratic organizations by reading Caitlin Rosenthal: “How Slavery Inspired Modern Business Management.” She writes: “To move beyond denial requires not only an acknowledgment that slaveholders practiced a kind of scientific management but also a broader rethinking of deep-seated assumptions about the relationship between capitalism and control.”
  5. A good piece from one of the—alas, very few—staffers at conservative-funded organizations who regards his duty to be truthful to his readers as more important than his desire to be useful to his organization’s funders. Read Michael R. Strain, “The Economics and Emotions Behind Slow Wage Growth,” in which he writes: “Why does wage growth continue to be so tepid? As unemployment falls and the number of open jobs increases, businesses should have to increase pay in order to attract increasingly scarce available workers as well as retain the employees they have.”
  6. A good piece from a decade ago about how smart economists have been wrestling with the assumptions about human thought and action that underpin their—our—well, not quite “science” was written by Cosma Shalizi in 2007—”Foundational Dismal Science Blogging”—in which he writes: “Who knew that Reinhard Selten was the author of a dialogue on the foundations of economics?”
Posted in Uncategorized

In an age of inequality, aggregate and mean economic statistics don’t tell us enough

The U.S. Census Bureau today released its report on income and poverty in the United States for 2017, which provides disaggregated statistics and data on income growth and poverty.

The U.S. Census Bureau today released its report on “Income and Poverty in the United States for the year 2017.” This is one of the most important economic data releases of the year because it goes way beyond the usual summary statistics released by federal government agencies every month (think: unemployment, inflation, Gross Domestic Product growth) and provides statistics that are more meaningful to the average person and statistics that are disaggregated by age, gender, income, race, geographic region, and more.

One of the most important data points we get from this report is median income growth for U.S. households. This is a key indicator of how the economy is performing for a broad swatch of families. A lot of pundits and policymakers tend to focus on GDP growth as an indicator of economic progress, but GDP growth is best understood as measuring mean progress for the economy. As income inequality grows, the mean is being pulled up by high-income people and is no longer representative of the fortunes of most Americans. In contrast, a median measure makes much more sense in an economy with high inequality. (See Figure 1.)

Figure 1

Figure 1 plots annual GDP growth against annual median income growth. This comparison isn’t apples to apples because GDP measures total economic output, which is a different concept from income, but the chart shows how using GDP growth as a one-number summary of economic progress overstates the gains to an average person in the economy. After two years where median income growth outpaced GDP growth, it dipped under GDP growth this year, indicating that the economy may be tilting back towards favoring those with high-income. In 2015 the Census reported that income growth at the median outpaced income growth at the 95th percentile of income, but they were roughly even in 2016 and this report indicates significantly higher growth of 3.2 percent at the 95th percentile against just 1.8 percent for the median.

Income inequality is also the reason that disaggregated statistics matter. In addition to the median income for all households, today’s report from the U.S. Census Bureau documents, for example, median incomes for Hispanic households, households with occupants 65 years and older, households in the Midwest, and households outside of metropolitan areas. All of these are useful ways to think about how our economy is performing not just for the average person but for specific populations that policymakers and academics alike need to get a bead on to better understand how economic inequality affects economic growth. I have argued that we should disaggregate the reporting of GDP growth so we can understand who prospers when the economy grows.

But we don’t need to stop there. As income inequality increases and we increasingly see two Americas—one for the rich and one for everyone else—it is more important than ever to see more granular breakdowns of our important economic statistics.

Case in point: Thanks to reports such as this one and from disaggregated unemployment statistics from the Bureau of Labor Statistics, the data show that African Americans face a very different economy than white Americans. And Equitable Growth grantee Xavier Jaravel found that even inflation varies significantly according to whether you are rich or poor, with low-income consumers experiencing inflation that is 0.65 percent higher than those with high income. (See Figure 2.)

Figure 2

Having disaggregated measures of inflation growth are arguably critical to policy: Inflation is used to index supplemental nutrition assistance benefits, for example, and Jaravel’s results indicate that these adjustments may be too small.

The surveys that are used in today’s Census Bureau report—the Current Population Survey and the American Community Survey—are enormously important because they make it possible for our statistical agencies to produce reports such as this one and because they democratize economic analysis by providing raw survey data publicly. Unfortunately, survey rates are declining, and the surveys are ill-suited to certain aspects of our modern economy. As I have explained before, the estimates of income inequality made in today’s report are not particularly reliable because the survey does not contact high-income households. (See Figure 3.)

Figure 3

Moving forward, agencies such as the Census Bureau, the Bureau of Labor Statistics at the U.S. Department of Labor, and the Bureau of Economic Analysis at the U.S. Department of Commerce will have to make broader use of administrative data from the Internal Revenue Service and elsewhere. But today’s report is an example of the kind of official statistical reporting about the economy that policymakers should aspire to produce more frequently. In an era of high income inequality, disaggregating U.S. economic statistics is the right way to understand who exactly the U.S. economy serves best and who it serves least.

Posted in Uncategorized

JOLTS Day Graphs: July 2018 Report Edition

Every month the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics releases data on hiring, firing, and other labor market flows from the Job Openings and Labor Turnover Survey, better known as JOLTS. Today, the BLS released the latest data for July 2018. This report doesn’t get as much attention as the monthly Employment Situation Report, but it contains useful information about the state of the U.S. labor market. Below are a few key graphs using data from the report.

1.

The quit rate increased slightly for July, continuing its historical upward trend in a tightening labor market.

2.

The vacancy yield keeps trending downward, with a further fall from 0.83 in June to 0.82 in July.

3.

The unemployment-per-job openings ratio decreased to 0.9

4.

The Beveridge Curve maintains its levels near those last seen during the expansion of the early 2000s.

Posted in Uncategorized

Weekend reading: “Wages and workers” edition

This is a weekly post we publish on Fridays with links to articles that touch on economic inequality and growth. The first section is a round-up of what Equitable Growth published this week and the second is the work we’re highlighting from elsewhere. We won’t be the first to share these articles, but we hope by taking a look back at the whole week, we can put them in context.

 

Equitable Growth round-up

 

The U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics on Friday released new data on the U.S. labor market during the month of June. Kate Bahn and Austin Clemens put together five graphs highlighting important trends in the data.

Brad DeLong compiles his most recent worthy reads on equitable growth both from Equitable Growth and outside press and academics.

 Peter Ganong and Pascal Noel studied the outcomes for distressed mortgage borrowers of reducing principle owed or monthly payments. Using regression discontinuity and difference-in-difference designs to measure default rates and consumption, they find that reducing principle owed had no effect on default or consumption rates, whereas reducing monthly payments had widespread positive effects on default rates. This suggests that access to financial liquidity plays a larger role in borrowers’ financial decision-making than total debt or net wealth.

A new study published by the Institute for Research on Labor and Employment at the University of California, Berkeley explains the effects of gradually increasing the minimum wage to $15 as displayed by many urban cities across the United States. The authors, economists and Equitable Growth grantees Sylvia Allegretto, Anna Godoey, Carl Nadler, and Michael Reich, find that a 10 percent increase in the minimum wage results in an earnings increase of 1.3 percent to 2.5 percent among low-wage jobs. In addition, the 10 percent increase has an ambiguous effect on employment, ranging between a 0.3 percent decrease to a 1.1 percent increase in employment. Here is a summary of the study and related Equitable Growth research on the topic of minimum wage.

 

Links from around the web

 

The Affordable Care Act’s bundle-payments program, in which the government pays hospitals a single amount for each category of surgery rather for individual procedures, lowered the costs per procedure and increased the quality of care that patients received. This program has the potential to save patients thousands of dollars, thus making these procedures more affordable and accessible to low-income patients. [vox]

After experiencing hardships and cutbacks during the Great Recession of 2007-2009, Generation Z is now entering the workforce determined to experience wealth, economic mobility, and financial security. Driven by the idea of financial stability and growth, members of this generation born in the 1990s have prioritized their education and their careers over social factors such as drinking and partying. They have made financial decisions that benefit their long-term monetary and career goals, such as decreasing the amount of student loans taken on and choosing less-expensive colleges to attend. Gen Z also is the most diverse population of students and workers, indicating a future growth of ethnic and racial minorities in the workforce. [wsj]

Similar to the United States, Nordic countries such as Denmark, Finland, and Sweden have experienced declines in unionization since the 1990s, yet the overall union membership rate is still 41.7 percent to 56.9 percent higher than U.S. rates. Between 84 percent to 90 percent of Nordic workers have collective bargaining coverage, which is roughly 72 percent to 78 percent higher than U.S rates. Denmark, Finland, and Sweden—so called “Ghent system” countries that have a union structure with the dual priority of preserving employment and competitiveness—believe in the economic benefits of outsourcing jobs, especially the aspect of establishing these countries as competitive in the global markets. Thus, unions in these nations provide generous unemployment benefits subsidized by the government to incentivize union membership. Conservative fans of the Ghent system in the United States advocate for unions to increase services and trainings for members rather than promoting collective bargaining practices as a means of creating a more competitive workforce. [bloomberg]

Occupations that don’t require college degrees, such as food manufacturing and maintenance, used to pay above-average wages in the 1990s, but new data shows that these professions pay far less than average wages today. These jobs used to provide workers with only a high-school education a path to the middle class, yet this new data indicates that well-paying jobs require higher education and training not available to low or middle-class workers. [wapo]

Social mobility is largely determined by parents’ profession, which has contributed to a decline in American children who out-earn their parents. Michael Hout, a professor at New York University, finds that mobility between generations shrank by 15 percent between those born in 1945 and 1985. Massive structural changes in the U.S. economy, especially with the transition from an industrialized economy to a service-based one, means that growth in white-collar, high-wage jobs rapidly increased for those born in the 1940s. Successive generations saw the consolidation of wage growth among upper class families, thus increasing the difficulty of children out-earning their parents. [wsj]

 

Friday figure

Figure is from “Equitable Growth’s Jobs Day Graphs: August 2018 Report Edition.”

Posted in Uncategorized

Equitable Growth’s Jobs Day Graphs: August 2018 Report Edition

Earlier this morning, the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics released new data on the U.S. labor market during the month of August. Below are five graphs compiled by Equitable Growth staff highlighting important trends in the data.

1.

The prime-age employment population ratio dropped slightly, to 79.3%.

2.

Unemployment was unchanged, in part because labor participation was down slightly.

3.

Wage growth continues to improve marginally in the tight labor market.

4.

Unemployment has reached levels not seen since the early 2000s for all racial and ethnic groups.

5.

Long-term unemployment has ticked up slightly over the past few months but overall levels of longterm unemployment are low, as you would expect to see in a good labor market.

Posted in Uncategorized

The latest research on the efficacy of raising the minimum wage above $10 in six U.S. cities

New research shows recent minimum wage increases in six cities raised workers’ wages without producing job losses.

New research shows recent minimum wage increases in six cities raised workers’ wages without producing job losses. A group of Equitable Growth grantees and economists at the Center for Wage and Employment Dynamics of the Institute for Research on Labor and Employment at the University of California, Berkeley conducted the first comprehensive empirical study on the earnings and employment effects of gradual minimum wage increases toward $15 an hour enacted recently by Chicago, the District of Columbia, Oakland, San Francisco, San Jose, and Seattle. The authors—Sylvia Allegretto, Anna Godoey, Carl Nadler, and Michael Reich—find substantial earnings growth and inconsistent employment effects in the food services industry as a result of the minimum wage increases

Given stagnation in the federal minimum wage in recent decades, states and localities are leading the way, increasing their statutory minimum wages over the past 5 years in response to grassroots pressure. The effects of minimum wage changes have long been a focus of study for economists, but most research on this topic has been conducted at the state and national level. Breaking with this trend, Allegretto and her co-authors narrow their focus to local labor markets and to a sector likely to be particularly affected by the local legislative changes, the food services and drinking places industry—as defined by the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics—given the industry’s widespread reliance on low-wage labor. Since the increase to $15 per hour is being implemented gradually, the study includes the effects of the minimum wage levels attained by the end of 2016. At that point, all six cities had minimum wages in excess of $10, and the levels in two of the cities—Seattle and San Francisco—had reached $13.

The event study and synthetic control methods employed by the authors permit them to isolate the effects of these minimum wage increases on employment and earnings by comparing them to employment and wage trends in analogous highly populated counties in other parts of the United States. This comparison allows the authors to distinguish the effect of higher minimum wages from other potential explanations for the results such as higher private-sector growth in the cities that enacted a minimum wage increase.

Additionally, the authors perform a series of robustness tests to further confirm that their findings are not the result of other changes underway in the six cities they study. They find, for example, negligible employment and earnings effects for high-wage professional workers, who should not see direct benefits from the minimum wage reforms.

Pooling the data for the six cities while also producing estimates for each city’s data, Allegretto, Godoey, Nadler, and Reich find robust, statistically significant, and positive effects of minimum wage increases on average earnings in the food services industry. Specifically, they estimate that a 10 percent increase in the minimum wage produces an increase of 1.3 percent to 2.5 percent in earnings on average. The results for employment levels are less clear, with the authors estimating anywhere from 0.3 percent decrease to a 1.1 percent increase in employment as a result of the rise in the minimum wage.

Consistent with the authors’ analysis, previous research by Equitable Growth points to several potential explanations for these empirical results. Equitable Growth economist Kate Bahn details one cause of the observed employment effects from the minimum wage increase may be the prevalence of monopsony in contemporary labor markets. Since monopsony gives firms the power to set wages below their efficient level, employers can likely afford minimum wage increases to a much larger extent than is often assumed. As Equitable Growth grantee and Columbia University economist Suresh Naidu points out in a recent column for Vox, co-authored with University of Chicago law professor Eric Posner and Microsoft Corp. economist Glen Weyl, the soaring corporate profits and rising inequality characterizing the current U.S. economy are likewise central features of monopsony, as they are facilitated by artificially low wages.

In addition to monopsony’s role in limiting workers’ labor market opportunities, Allegretto and her co-authors identify several channels through which minimum wage increases may have positive effects on employment, partially or totally offsetting the channels through which these reforms may produce job losses. On one hand, minimum wage increases for low-wage workers can increase consumer demand for products and services—in turn driving up demand for workers to produce and provide them and compensating for any price increases induced by heightened labor costs. On the other hand, wage increases can attract inactive working-age adults into the labor market, encourage workers already in the labor force to increase their hours, and bolster workers’ labor market attachment and experience by reducing turnover.

The data analyzed by Allegretto, Godoey, Nadler, and Reich do not permit a clean disaggregation of these different channels, but their report breaks important ground in calculating positive earnings and unclear employment effects as a result of minimum wage increases beyond $10 an hour. Although their finding of varying employment effects provides suggestive evidence that minimum wage increases do not necessarily entail efficiency losses, Equitable Growth grantee and New School economist David Howell argues that “no job losses” should not be the standard for evaluating minimum wage increases as such reforms can be implemented in conjunction with other employment programs and work incentives.

Indeed, as Equitable Growth explained in a previous issue brief summarizing empirical studies in this research stream, raising the minimum wage must be a central component of any comprehensive plan to strengthen wages, employment, and growth across the United States.

Posted in Uncategorized

Brad DeLong: Worthy reads on equitable growth, August 31–September 6, 2018

Worthy reads from Equitable Growth:

  1. A working paper that I thought was very good but that, for some reason, did not get a lot of attention is “The wages of care: Bargaining power, earnings and inequality” by Nancy Folbre and Kristin Smith, who write: “The earnings of managers and professionals employed in care industries (health, education, and social services), characterized by high levels of public and non-profit provision, are significantly lower than in other industries.” My take was always this was overwhelmingly because “feminized” occupations have low pay.
  2. Another working paper from our past that should have gotten more buzz than it did is “The U-shape of over-education? Human capital dynamics & occupational mobility over the life cycle” by Ammar Farooq, who writes: “the proportion of college degree holders working in occupations that do not require a college degree is U-shaped over the life cycle and … there is a rise in transitions to non-college jobs among prime age college workers.” Yes, “overeducation” is a thing.
  3. Applause for our attempt to focus on the broader implications of rising monopoly. Read Noah Smith, “Economists Gear Up to Challenge the Monopolies,” who writes: “The antitrust movement is making a comeback. … Think tanks like the Washington Center for Equitable Growth are starting to zero in on the issue as well.” Also read “How the rise of market power in the United States may explain some macroeconomic puzzles” by co-author and former Equitable Growth visiting fellow Jacob Robbins, who writes: “Gauti Eggertsson, Ella Getz Wold, and I at Brown University argue that these diverse trends are closely connected, and that the driving force behind them is an increase in monopoly power together with a decline in interest rates.”
  4. Homeowner bankruptcy and foreclosure are liquidity events, not solvency events, argue Peter Ganong and Pascal Noel in “Liquidity vs. wealth in household debt obligations: Evidence from housing policy in the Great Recession.” They write: “We use variation in mortgage modifications to disentangle the impact of reducing long-term obligations with no change in short-term payments (‘wealth’), and reducing short-term payments with approximately no change in long-term obligations (‘liquidity’).”

Worthy reads not from Equitable Growth:

  1. A plea for economists and policymakers to focus on unionization, societal priorities, and worker bargaining power—rather than speculate about “artificial intelligence” trends that are, really, probably 50 years away from achieving criticality. Read Sarita Gupta, Stephen Lerner, and Joseph A. McCartin’s “It’s Not the ‘Future of Work,’ It’s the Future of Workers That’s in Doubt,” in which they write: “Nearly every discussion of labor’s future in mainstream media quickly becomes mired in a group of elite-defined concerns called ‘The Future of Work.’”
  2. This former president of the Minneapolis Fed has become one of the very best Fed watchers and Fed analysts. Read Narayana Kocherlakota’s “The Fed Should Prepare for the Unexpected,” in which he writes: “The staff paper downplayed and Powell ignored what I see as the most important risk.”
  3. Read Kevin Drum’s “Technology Is the Key to Success, But Probably Not the Technology You Enjoy,” in which he writes: “I’d put it more bluntly: unless they’re forced to at the point of a metaphorical gun … service-sector managers are lazy … in a very specific way: they don’t really understand technology.” Yet, somehow, manufacturing managers learned to understand electricity in the 1920s and 1930s. How? Why? According to Kevin’s theory, it was that they were forced to learn or watch their firms disappear in the Great Depression.
  4. Sociological distance, the present and the legacy of past discrimination, and preventive treatment in Oakland, California, means that perhaps 20 percent of the black-white cardiovascular health gap is due to the fact that black patients are seen by sociologically distant white doctors. Read Marcy Alsan and her co-authors’ working paper “Does Diversity Matter for Health? Experimental Evidence from Oakland,” in which they write: “We study the effect of diversity in the physician workforce on the demand for preventive care among African-American men.”
  5. I disagree with Jeff Frankel in his column “The Depth of the Next US Recession,” in which he writes “Whatever the immediate trigger of the next US recession, the consequences are likely to be severe. … Pro-cyclical fiscal, macro-prudential, and even monetary policies … [leave] authorities …in a weak position to manage the next inevitable shock.” My take is that the Federal Reserve has not been doing a good job since 2010. Its central task as of 2010 was to get the U.S. economy rapidly back to full employment at a configuration of economic variables that would give it a short-term safe nominal interest rate of 5 percent or more so it would have room to properly fight the next recession whenever it should come. You could argue that the rest of the government makes it impossible for the Fed to do a good job. But you cannot argue that the Fed should be satisfied with the job it has done since 2010.
Posted in Uncategorized

Weekend reading: “Labor Day” edition

This is a weekly post we publish on Fridays with links to articles that touch on economic inequality and growth. The first section is a round-up of what Equitable Growth published this week and the second is the work we’re highlighting from elsewhere. We won’t be the first to share these articles, but we hope by taking a look back at the whole week, we can put them in context.

Equitable Growth round-up

Senators Chuck Schumer (D-NY) and Martin Heinrich (D-NM) this past Tuesday introduced the “Measuring Real Income Growth Act of 2018,” which directs the U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis to report on how the benefits of economic growth in the United States are divided between low-, middle-, and high-income families. Equitable Growth applauds the bill, which implements, in part, the policy agenda laid out in Equitable Growth’s report “Disaggregating Growth: Measuring who prospers when the economy grows.” Heather Boushey and Austin Clemens have written extensively about the need for the quarterly Gross Domestic Product reports to measure what economic growth means for Americans across the income spectrum.

To learn more about the bill and why there’s a need for not just a measure of overall economic growth but how it’s distributed, you can read the coverage in Vox or Paul Krugman’s New York Times column.

More than half of black women’s wage gap in the United States cannot be explained by observable factors such as age or education, as quantified by a recent working paper by economists Mark Paul of the New College of Florida, Darrick Hamilton of the New School, and William Darity Jr. and Khaing Zaw of Duke University and released as part of Equitable Growth’s Working Paper Series. Of the factors that can be observed, racial and gender differences in who works in what occupation and industry explain the largest portion. This is referred to as workplace segregation, and Will McGrew digs into its trends and how workplace segregation not only contributes to the “explained” wage gap, but also how it exacerbates the “unexplained” portion of black women’s wage gap.

Check out Brad Delong’s latest worthy reads from Equitable Growth and around the web.

In a column just in time for Labor Day, Kate Bahn explains the challenge of preserving workers’ bargaining power in a fissured 21st century economy with labor laws designed for the traditional employer-employee relationship of the 20th century. She surveys the latest economic research on the importance of bargaining power for supporting and boosting workers’ wages and working conditions as well as the latest legal scholarship into potential ways forward for designing labor laws that reflect today’s U.S. economy.

Links from around the web

Is the increase in concentration in many U.S. industries responsible for persistently low wages, inflation, and growth? Even if it’s too early for answers, the idea has gained enough credence that it was a topic of discussion among the governors of the Federal Reserve at last week’s Jackson Hole Summit. [nyt]

As poorly designed as it was, Joseph Stiglitz argues that the effects of the fiscal stimulus of December 2017-January 2018 at least demonstrate that the weak recovery from the Great Recession was not due to secular stagnation but rather to an inadequate government stimulus. [project syndicate]

“If we want to grow the U.S. economy, not just redistribute more of its fruits to low-income workers, we need to raise the minimum wage,” says Robert Atkinson. He argues that raising the minimum wage isn’t just the right thing to do from a fairness perspective but also key to encouraging greater innovation and investment by companies, which in turn will spur greater economic growth. [democracy]

Creating a “social wealth fund” modeled on the Alaska Permanent Fund is one possible way to realize a universal basic income, an idea that has recently gained popularity to address growing income inequality and get ahead of anticipated loss of jobs from increasing automation. How to finance such a fund, though, raises questions about whether the cure is any better than the illness it’s supposed to treat. [the intercept]

To learn more about the concept of a universal basic income, you can read or listen to this interview between AEI’s James Pethokoukis and The Atlantic’s Annie Lowrey, who recently published a book on the topic. [aei]

Friday figure

Figure is from Austin Clemens’ “Here’s why you should interpret tomorrow’s GDP growth estimate skeptically

Posted in Uncategorized

Labor Day is a time to reflect on reviving workers’ power in the U.S. economy

People gather at the Supreme Court awaiting a decision in an Illinois union dues case, <em>Janus vs. AFSCME</em>. Labor Day, this coming Monday, is a good time to reflect on the American labor movement and the impact of unions on workers.

Labor Day, this coming Monday, is a time to reflect on the decline of the American labor movement and its impact on all American workers. Union density stands at just higher than 10 percent as of the end of 2017, down from nearly one-third of households in 1950. Alongside this decline in worker bargaining power is the rise of economic inequality, stagnating wages, and a declining share of national income accruing to workers. And in light of the recent U.S. Supreme Court decision in Janus v. American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees, unions and economic justice movements are considering where to go from here.

The economic benefits of unions have been established through evidence from quantitative research, but unions have been largely unable to meet the challenges of the modern labor market despite their presumed ability to raise wages in an era of wage stagnation. The reason: U.S. labor laws are out of date for protecting workers from the changing nature of work and fostering greater bargaining power through collective action. Union activism in the early 20th century resembles what we today consider economic justice movements and led to the adoption of economywide labor standards such as the weekend and the eight-hour workday. But the current labor law framework for union organizing, established by the National Labor Relations Act in 1935, was developed for another economic era, dominated by “traditional” employment relationships—workers directly employed by a firm that oversaw their work product. In this once-successful setup, union collective bargaining vis-à-vis employers largely took place within each workplace.

The current labor market, however, is characterized by a fissured workplace, including gig-based employment and employers’ power to set wages below competitive levels and deter union organizing. These developments occurred as the political and regulatory landscape became increasingly hostile to the labor movement, for example through incidents such as the pivotal PATCO air traffic controllers strike busted by President Ronald Reagan in 1981. In order to extend the economic benefits of increased bargaining power for workers, the legal landscape today needs to respond to the current structure of the economy and engage workers as key stakeholders in order to rebalance both economic and political power for a more dynamic and equitable labor market.

Legal scholar Kate Andrias at the University of Michigan School of Law writes in The Yale Law Journal paper on “the New Labor Law” that “labor law developed for the New Deal does not provide solutions to today’s inequities.” She contends that the NLRA is fundamentally ill-equipped to interact with the changing structure of the modern labor market since it does not hold accountable actors along the value chain in a fissured workplace. A recent joint employer case against McDonald’s Corp., for example, sought to hold the corporation responsible for employment outcomes at franchises, but the outcome remains in legal limbo. And concerns about gig-based employment, where workers are technically independent contractors, cannot be addressed through traditional labor protections.

A legal landscape that protects workers’ interests is ever-more important to address, given the current economic disparities and trends that disadvantage workers. Evidence shows us that labor regulation and protections influence macroeconomic economic outcomes as well. In a new working paper published by the International Monetary Fund, Gabriele Ciminelli of the University of Amsterdam and Romain Duval and Davide Furceri of the IMF examine how employment-protection regulation affected the share of national income accruing to labor across 26 advanced countries. The researchers find that rolling back labor protections led to a decreased labor share over the period between 1970 and 2015. Unions are crucial actors in establishing and maintaining protections that benefit workers, both within individual workplaces, as well as for the entire workforce.

To address these issues, the University of Michigan’s Andrias supports a tripartite system, in which bargaining involves the state in the bargaining process and takes place at a higher level, also known as sectoral and industry-level bargaining. Andrias calls this process “social bargaining.” This would help address some of the fundamental benefits of unions in determining the conditions of work. In addition, Kimberly Sanchez Ocasio and Leo Gertner of the Service Employees International Union, in their review of Andrias’ “The New Labor Law,” look to social movements led by low-wage workers to revive labor’s clout in the United States. They point to the coordination between “Fight for Fifteen” and “Black Lives Matter” in protesting the killing of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri, and advocate for what they call “common-good unionism.” They write that “a broad conception of worker welfare is emerging that moves beyond wages and benefits for its members, taking on the root causes of structural economic inequality.”

Economic research shows that unions have been a crucial force in balancing economic inequality, yet unionism must evolve with current economic structures in order to foster broadly shared economic growth. This is the mission behind Harvard Law School’s Labor and Worklife Program’s new “Clean Slate” effort to reform labor law to address today’s economic structures and trends. The Labor and Worklife Program is establishing a home base to work on ideas that not only reinvigorate America’s unions but also get to the root of why we need the labor movement to address U.S. economic inequality, as well as political disenfranchisement of low-income people. This “Clean Slate” effort kicked off with a day-long convening in July to ask the first question, “what problems should we be solving for?”

The intersection of economic research and legal scholarship can help point the way for the future of labor law in the United States. Legal scholarship can apply evidence from economics to determine what changes to our legal structure are needed to protect workers effectively and balance bargaining power, and subsequent advancements to labor law, as well as employment law and civil rights law, can help ensure more equitable economic growth.

Posted in Uncategorized