New research shows California Paid Family Leave reduces poverty

The photo above is a partial representation of <em>Mother with child</em>—an oil on canvas work by Emilia Bayer, 2008.

The United States remains the only industrialized nation without a national paid leave program, despite evidence that these programs can benefit working parents and employers as well. In 2004, California became the first state to establish a publicly funded program for family leave. Eight states and the District of Columbia have since followed suit, and many private-sector employers offer their own paid leave programs, yet the vast majority of people in the United States today—including mothers with new children—do not have access to time off with pay during times of medical and caregiving need.

This broad lack of access to paid leave—and lack of access to leave for new mothers specifically—is in part because most family leave programs remain business-run, and therefore disproportionately benefit families with earners who have high education levels and wages. But there is promise for public programs to assist mothers who are left behind by private leave programs: Recent research concludes that between 2004 and 2013, the California Paid Family Leave program provided important support to mothers at the bottom of the income distribution who usually lack employer-provided leave.

Today, California’s paid leave program, CA-PFL, allows for six weeks of leave for workers who earned $300 in the previous year and have new children or sick family members, as well as up to 52 weeks for personal medical needs. It provides most claimants with 60 percent of their full-time wages, with a 70 percent level for low-income claimants, and job protection for workers in businesses with 20 or more employees. Approximately 50 percent of eligible new mothers made claims in 2017, and they were able to combine six weeks of caregiving leave with six weeks of medical leave, for a total of 12 weeks of leave.

Between 2004 and 2013, an older law was on the books and the program was both less generous and less used. During that time, the program provided only 55 percent of claimants’ previous full-time wages, but they were not guaranteed job security. The initial take-up rate was lower than today, with only 40 percent of eligible mothers making claims in 2004.

This earlier period is useful to study because data collected in this period reflects a paid leave program operating in a context in which claimants don’t need high levels of earnings to qualify, but they lack job protection. This data is ripe for exploring the question of how a paid leave program with these features affects the economic security of families.

In a paper recently published in Social Service Review, Alexandra Stanczyk—a researcher at Mathematica—explores just that. She assesses whether the California Paid Family Leave program improved household economic security for families directly following the birth of a new child. Since the changes associated with the birth of a child can strain a family’s economic security, this is a particularly important time to provide an economic boost to families. This line of inquiry connects to a larger question, about partial wage-replacement programs, that informs the federal policy conversation around paid leave: Does partial wage replacement actually improve a family’s economic security?

From one perspective, partial wage replacement could improve the economic security of a family by providing a subsidy for leave that would have otherwise been unpaid. This increase in household income could improve the long-term stability of a family’s finances and ease much of the tension created by the financial burden of a new child.

Alternatively, if workers who would have otherwise returned to work earlier take a longer leave period than they would have had they not had access to paid leave, then these program participants receive only half of their wages when they would have otherwise received full pay. This could lead to an overall decrease in a family’s annual household income. The lack of job protection during the study period also could negatively impact the labor force participation of mothers if employers lay off mothers who take up paid leave. Both mothers’ extended leaves and lay-offs could push low-income families across the poverty threshold.

Using American Community Survey data from 2000–2013, Stanczyk used a model that social scientists refer to as a “triple-difference model” because it draws three comparisons. Stanczyk looked at California mothers of 1-year-olds, compared to California mothers of older children and compared to mothers in other states, both before and after the state’s CA-PFL law was passed in 2004. She examined both poverty rates and household income of these mothers.

Stanczyk finds that between 2004 and 2013, the California paid leave program increased household income levels and lowered poverty rates for mothers of 1-year-olds.

First, she found that the program fosters an average $3,407 increase in income for mothers of 1-year-olds. These big effects, however, could reflect changes at the top end of the earnings distribution because they are average effects and could capture big earnings gains for people who were earning at high levels prior to giving birth. But in additional analyses, Stanczyk also finds good news specific to the bottom end of the income distribution: The introduction of paid leave in California is tied to a 10.2 percent decrease in risk of new mothers dropping below the poverty threshold and disproportionately helps women with lower levels of education and who are unmarried.

According to a study conducted by the Pew Research Center, U.S. adults overwhelmingly support national paid family leave, with 85 percent saying that workers should receive paid personal medical leave and 82 percent approving of paid leave for new mothers. The U.S. Congress is accordingly engaged in discussions about bipartisan legislation to institute a national paid family leave program. Within the past six months, there have been multiple bills for expanding paid leave introduced by each party, among them the Paid Family Leave Pilot Extension Act, the Working Families Flexibility Act of 2019, and the Federal Employee Paid Leave Act.

The 2019 FAMILY Act has by far the most traction in Congress. Introduced in the Senate by Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand (D-NY) and in the House of Representatives by Rep. Rosa DeLauro (D-CT), this bill would bring paid leave to new mothers in all U.S. states and territories. In some ways, it is more generous than the iteration of California’s paid leave that Stanczyk examined because it includes a higher wage-replacement rate of 66 percent of a claimant’s full-time wage. While job security is still not guaranteed in the proposed federal legislation, this proposed program could decrease the risk of poverty for the nation’s most vulnerable working mothers.

Still, the higher earnings requirements for the FAMILY Act, in comparison to those in CA-PFL, may make benefits less accessible to working mothers with very low incomes.

When weighing the pros and cons of the FAMILY Act and other paid leave proposals, federal policymakers should pay close attention to Stanczyk’s findings. With proper attention to the data, Congress could pass a bill with the power to keep the nation’s most vulnerable mothers out of poverty.

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Weekend reading: “Recession Ready?” edition

This is a post we publish each Friday with links to articles that touch on economic inequality and growth. The first section is a round-up of what Equitable Growth published this week and the second is relevant and interesting articles we’re highlighting from elsewhere. We won’t be the first to share these articles, but we hope by taking a look back at the whole week, we can put them in context.

Equitable Growth round-up

It’s well-established that there are significant income-based enrollment disparities in center-based childcare and early education in the United States. High costs and limited availability have long been understood to be fundamental reasons for this phenomenon. Cesar Perez describes new research by University of Wisconsin researchers showing that there is a third important cause of this disparity: unstable work schedules for low-income workers. Nonstandard schedules, including early morning, evening, overnight, and weekend hours, constrain the ability of workers to make arrangements for center-based childcare and education, and low-income workers are considerably more likely to have to contend with such schedules.

Take a look at Brad DeLong’s most recent worthy reads for this week, in which he provides his thoughts on content from Equitable Growth and elsewhere.

Links from around the web

The value of paid family leave goes well beyond a family’s bottom line, writes Benjamin Ryan in The Nation. He describes research showing the significant health benefits that families experience when they have the opportunity to take advantage of paid leave following the birth or adoption of a child. [nation]

With the appearance this week of the dreaded inverted yield curve in the U.S. bond market, which usually signals a recession somewhere down the road, Ryan Cooper in The Week reminds us that high economic inequality is likely making us more vulnerable to a downturn. Among other reasons, he notes that the wealthy spend a smaller fraction of their income. High inequality also means less business investment and, once families are hit by a recession, excessive borrowing. He also points out that a significant effect of the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017 was to “dump a giant pile of money on rich people with tax cuts, further exacerbating U.S. income inequality…” [theweek]

Speaking of inequality, in an age of persistently high economic inequality, writes The Atlantic’s Derek Thompson, work in high-cost metropolitan areas “catering to the whims of the wealthy—grooming them, stretching them, feeding them, driving them” is one of the fastest-growing industries. He notes that Equitable Growth Research Advisory Board member David Autor calls this “wealth work,” and he adds, “Perhaps the ultimate price of wealth work, for all of the opportunities for the low-skilled, is not only the threat of exploitation, but broader alienation.” [atlantic]

Research shows that adding a significant number of women to senior corporate leadership improves company performance. But Laura Forman at The Wall Street Journal writes that merely adding a token woman or two to a board of directors or to corporate management is not helpful. Firms with inadequate female representation in upper and middle management need to accelerate hiring plans to get the kind of critical mass that can improve revenues and profits. [wsj]

Carmen Heredia Rodriguez at Kaiser Health News describes the lack of serious competition for medication to treat snakebites. The poisonous competitive environment is due, at least in part, to the difficulty of gaining U.S. Food and Drug Administration approval for biosimilars. The prices charged for the two main current products, which are biologics, can only be described as painful. The two manufacturers feel no need to seriously compete on price. Until one or more biosimilars that match these drugs are approved by the FDA, the two current manufacturers will feel free to charge, essentially, whatever price they want. [npr]

Friday Figure

Figure is from Equitable Growth’s “Extensive nonstandard work hours among U.S. low-income mothers hinder their kids’ enrollment in center-based childcare,” by Cesar Perez.

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Brad DeLong: Worthy reads on equitable growth, August 9–15, 2019

Worthy reads from Equitable Growth:
 

  1. There is a strange gap: A discipline such as economics, which aims at achieving the greatest good for the greatest number, ought to have long ago focused on how costly inequality is for all—or almost all—of us. Heather Boushey’s forthcoming book, Unbound: How Inequality Constricts Our Economy and What We Can Do About It, expertly fills that gap. Others agree. “In Unbound, Heather Boushey presents the strongest documentation I have seen for the many ways in which inequality is harmful to economic growth. Anyone interested in just about any aspect of economic policy, from education to antitrust to macroeconomics, will learn something from this important book.”—Jason Furman … “A rising tide used to lift all boats, but decades of rising economic inequality and wage stagnation have changed that. In Unbound, Heather Boushey provides a clear and compelling analysis of the many ways income and wealth inequality limits our economic potential, drawing important lessons from cutting-edge economic research. An invaluable addition to current economic policy debates, Unbound is a must-read for those striving for inclusive economic growth.”—Kim Clausing … “Copies of this book should be mailed to every legislator in the country. It is a powerful summary of an enormous amount of the latest and best economics research on inequality, presented clearly and explained with accessible prose.”—Suresh Naidu.
  2. In his column, “Extensive nonstandard work hours among U.S. low-income mothers hinder their kids’ enrollment in center-based childcare,” Cesar Perez sends us to a paper by Alejandra Ros Pilarz, Ying-Chun Lin, and Katherine A. Magnuson, “Do Parental Work Hours and Nonstandard Schedules Explain Income-Based Gaps in Center-Based Early Care and Education Participation?,” in which they write: “Low-income children ages 0—5 years are less likely to be enrolled in center-based [Early Care and Education, or ECE] programs compared with higher-income children. Low-income working parents are also more likely to work jobs with nonstandard schedules, which are associated with lower rates of center-based ECE … Mothers’ work hours and schedules are predictive of 0—5-year-old children’s enrollment in center-based ECE, and accounting for mothers’ work hours and schedules significantly reduces income-based gaps in center-based ECE, particularly among infants and toddlers.”
  3. Read my blog post, “The Flight to Safety in Asset Markets Has Now Become a Thing in Itself…,” in which I write: “The market has now delivered 100 basis points of easing in the 10-year Treasury window since the end of last October. On the 30-year bond, you would have made a 20 percent profit if you both [bought] last October and sold it today, compared to a 3.5 percent profit on the S&P Composite over the same period. That is a major, major sentiment shift. That means that a number of people short debt with riskier operations than the S&P Composite are about to face margin calls and rollover difficulties. We will shortly see how solvent the market judges them. No, it is not yet August 2007. But it is much closer to August 2007 than I expected to see for another generation.”

 

Worthy reads not from Equitable Growth:

  1. The answer to the question “Is Trumponomics a failure?” is “Yes.” There is no large investment boom. There is no manufacturing recovery. There is no reduced trade deficit. There is increased inequality and corruption. Read Michael Rainey, “Is Trumponomics a Failure?,” in which he writes: “Trump’s two main economic policies—tax cuts and tariffs, both intended to boost manufacturing—have flopped. The tax cuts failed to produce a surge in business investment … the tariffs … are now dragging on the economy … No one is arguing that the economy is in ruins due to Trump’s policies … But Trump and Republicans promised that their economic plans would result in lasting, structural improvements, and those don’t appear to have materialized. [Paul] Krugman says … ‘Imagine how much better shape we’d be in if the hundreds of billions squandered on tax cuts … had been used to rebuild our crumbling infrastructure.”
  2. The argument that the supply of savings to fund private investment was elastic with respect to the after-tax interest rate was not economically respectable back in 2017, when it was made. The solid preponderance of evidence then was that the supply of savings was inelastic. And so it has proved. Read Hunter Blair, “It’s Not Trickling Down: New Data Provides No Evidence that the TCJA Is Working as Its Proponents Claimed It Would,” in which he writes: “The strongest economically respectable argument from proponents of the Trump administration’s Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (TCJA) was that … higher dividends incentivize households to save more, or attract more savings from abroad. The increased savings push down interest rates, so that it’s easier for corporations to borrow money to invest in new plants and equipment. And this new capital stock gives workers more and better tools to work with, boosting their productivity, and eventually that increased productivity should boost wages … We now have 18 months of data on investment since the passage of the TCJA, plenty of time for its increased incentives for private investment to have taken hold. But the data doesn’t come close to supporting the story told by TCJA proponents.”
  3. I would like to say that the very sharp Rana Foroohar is wrong here, that global recession probabilities are low. The problem is that we live in a world of multiple equilibria, and so—if enough people are now thinking like she is thinking—she may well be right. Read Rana Foroohar, “Braced for the Global Downturn,” in which she writes: “Well-meaning central bankers cannot offset the impact of an erratic U.S. president on the real economy … Last week’s market volatility… at heart, it’s about the inability of the Federal Reserve to convince us that its July rate cut was merely ‘insurance’… Any number of indicators now show … [that] the global downturn has already begun. Asset prices will undoubtedly begin to reflect this, and possibly quite soon.”
  4. Read Hailey Waller, “Economy at Riskiest Point in a Decade, Lawrence Summers Says,” in which she writes: “The [United States] and world economies are at their riskiest moment since the global financial crisis a decade ago as trade tensions continue to grow, former Treasury Secretary Lawrence Summers said on Sunday. Summers spoke on CNN’s ‘Fareed Zakaria GPS’ about what he called a ‘sadomasochistic and foolish trade conflict’ the [United States] has engaged with China under President Donald Trump. ‘We are losing very substantial amounts in terms of uncertainty, reduced investment, reduced job creation, for the sake of benefits that are very unlikely to be of substantial magnitude … I don’t think there’s any question that American workers are going to be poorer, American companies are going to be less profitable, and the American economy is going to be worse off because of the course we’re on.’”
  5. Tim Duy believes that the Federal Reserve will cut interest rates fast enough and far enough to avoid a recession, and that is the scenario driving the current inversion of the yield curve rather than a recession. After the recent declines in interest rates, I would give that only a 50-50 chance of being true. Equilibria are fragile, and multiple. At an equity P/E ratio of 20, a 100 basis-point fall in the very long bond rate should carry with it a 20 percent increase in equity value, holding risk-adjusted expected future cash flows constant. Yet the S&P Composite has not moved since late October. That is a hell of a large fall in risk-adjusted expected future cash flows. Read Tim Duy, “On Rising Recession Probabilities,” in which he writes: “My interpretation is that market participants have correctly anticipated the Fed’s reaction function with the expectation of substantial easing in the months ahead hence creating the inversion on the short end. This easing will be sufficient to derail impending recessionary threats. If the Fed’s easing was expected to be insufficient, I would expect that the ‘10s2s’ spread would be inverted. Consequently, at this point I still do not expect a recession in the near year. Under my baseline scenario, the Fed’s upcoming rates cuts will slightly steepen yield curve and the picture will look like 1995.”
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Extensive nonstandard work hours among U.S. low-income mothers hinder their kids’ enrollment in center-based childcare

Access to center-based childcare during nontraditional hours of operation is an issue for low-income mothers who work nonstandard hours.

Significant income-based disparities in kids’ enrollment in center-based early childcare and education persist in the United States. Two well-documented reasons are the high costs of this kind of care and the limited availability of childcare slots. Now, a group of researchers at the University of Wisconsin-Madison find there is a third factor that explains these disparities—low-income parents are more likely to work nonstandard schedules, including early morning, evening, overnight, and weekend hours, than their higher-income peers, which particularly constrains their ability to make arrangements for center-based early childcare and education.

Alejandra Ros Pilarz, Ying-Chun Lin, and Katherine A. Magnuson delve into this issue in their new study published in Social Service Review. They specifically examined whether mothers’ work hours and schedules explain income-based disparities in enrollment in center-based care between low- and high-income families. Using data from the National Survey of Early Care and Education, they find that the number of hours a mother works and whether she has a standard schedule are predictive of the childcare arrangements she uses. What’s more, they find that significant portions of the disparity in enrollment in center-based care between low- and high-income families can be explained by low-income mothers working fewer total hours and more nonstandard hours.

Concerns over disparities in center-based care and education are twofold. First, there is increasing evidence that when children attend center-based care, they enter school academically and socially ahead of their peers who did not attend, especially among low-income children. Secondly, research shows that center-based childcare better supports parents and the U.S. economy. The reason: Home-based care is both less reliable and more temporary than center-based care. Unexpected unavailability is more likely to come from a grandmother’s hospitalization, for example, than cancelation from a licensed day care center. Consequently, studies show that greater work absences caused by unstable home-based childcare are associated with mothers eventually leaving their jobs. So, it’s not surprising that center-based early childcare and education programs improve parents’ productivity, prospects for professional advancement, and ability to provide economic security, compared to home-based care.

Unfortunately, while center-based early childcare and education is important to all children, many miss out on its benefits. In their research, Pilarz, Lin, and Magnuson find that high-income households with children ages 0 to 2 are 15.6 percentage points more likely to enroll in center-based care than comparable low-income families. The gap is even larger for families with children ages 3 to 5: 23.1 percentage points. (See Figure 1.)

Figure 1

At the same time, low-wage parents are more likely to work nonstandard hours and fewer hours than they would like. Past research shows that low-wage workers are also significantly less likely to have control over their work schedules. Together, the research indicates that low-wage workers are forced to accept difficult and demanding schedules due to economic need. In line with the results of previous studies, the three University of Wisconsin-Madison researchers find significant differences in mothers’ work schedules by family income. (See Figure 2.)

Figure 2

These disparities raise a question: Do nonstandard work schedules limit low-income parents’ ability to enroll their children in center-based early childcare and education programs? If so, it may be the case that while these parents suffer from difficult work weeks, their children suffer from lower-quality care. In this way, economic hardships faced by low-income parents limit opportunities for younger generations within families, exacerbating income-based disparities in well-being and intergenerational mobility.

Currently, the existing literature suggests that several variables, including family demographics, household composition, and neighborhood characteristics, as well as childcare costs and availability, are strong predictors of childcare arrangements. Controlling for these factors, Pilarz, Lin, and Magnuson examine whether mothers’ work hours and schedules are predictive of childcare decisions and explain income-based disparities in enrollment in center-based care and education programs.

Perhaps their most compelling findings relate to children ages 0 to 2. Center-based care arrangements for children in this age range are comparatively scarce, and the research base on care arrangements for infants and toddlers is thin. Accordingly, looking at the mothers of infants and toddlers, the University of Wisconsin-Madison research team finds that even after accounting for income, mothers who work fewer total hours, more nonstandard hours, and/or a greater extent of their total hours during nonstandard times have significantly lower predicted probabilities of using center-based care. This means that while low-income mothers as a whole are disproportionately left out of center-based care simply due to financial constraints, those who work nonstandard schedules are even further disadvantaged. (See Figure 3.)

Figure 3

Nearly one-quarter of mothers who are part-time workers but do not work any nonstandard hours (the bar labeled 0 percent in Figure 3) place their children who are younger than 2 in center-based care. Part-time working mothers who work between 1 percent and 25 percent of their total hours during nonstandard times are less likely to place their children in center-based care—only 15 percent do so, and the proportion plummets further for part-time working mothers who work more than one-quarter of their hours during nonstandard times. For full-time workers, a similar declining trend emerges once mothers work more than one-quarter of their hours during nonstandard times.

Pilarz and her co-authors conclude that mothers’ work hours and schedules explain about one-third of the 15.6 percentage-point gap in center-based early childcare and education enrollment between low- and high-income families with children ages 0 to 2. For comparison, another one-third of the disparity can be explained by the combination of all of the controls used in the study. This means that mother’s work schedules explain as much about the disparity in access to center-based childcare as children’s personal and demographic characteristics, parent’s education and professional training, household size and employment, geographic location, and neighborhood poverty concentration combined. (See Figure 4).

Figure 4

The clear implication of these findings is that addressing income-based disparities in work schedules could increase the rate of enrollment in center-based early childcare and education among low-income families. This can be done by implementing fair work scheduling laws that strengthen low-wage workers’ control over their work hours and schedules. Such an approach would expand parents’ ability to access center-based childcare programs by minimizing underemployment and increasing the proportion of hours worked during standard times.

Specifically, so-called access-to-hours provisions can increase total hours worked and incomes by requiring employers to offer additional available hours to part-time workers before hiring additional employees. Furthermore, “right-to-request” provisions can reduce the percentage of hours worked during nonstandard times by protecting employees who request specific schedule arrangements from employer retaliation. The new research by Pilarz, Lin, and Magnuson suggests that these provisions, which empower working parents and incentivize low-wage employers to accommodate their employees’ family needs, could reduce disparities in center-based childcare enrollment between low- and high-income families.

States and localities have increasingly adopted such provisions. But despite progress in this policy area, the high consumer demand for a 24/7 service economy will most likely persist. Thus, it is reasonable to assume that low-wage parents will continue to work early morning, evening, overnight, and weekend hours, limiting their ability to enroll in current center-based care programs. Therefore, it may be just as important to increase support for low-income families in which parents work insufficient or nonstandard hours as it is to reduce the prevalence of such schedules.

One way to do this would be to increase access to center-based care during nonstandard hours. The Child Care for Working Families Act addresses this issue. The proposed legislation would incentivize and fund childcare during nontraditional hours of operation, in essence, expanding access to childcare for families who need it outside of the traditional 9:00 a.m.–5:00 p.m. workday. In this way, families who continue to work lower-quality schedules can still benefit from higher-quality childcare.

Future research by these and other researchers, much of which will likely employ more detailed data and precise variables on work-schedule quality, will enable further nuanced and specific interpretations of the effects of nonstandard, unstable, and unpredictable work schedules. Nevertheless, there is substantial evidence now for policymakers to act. Current income-based disparities in work schedules and childcare arrangements are limiting economic security for parents, development for children, and growth for the U.S. economy as a whole. State and local governments throughout the country are already leading the way, using research to inform evidence-based policy solutions. The federal government should follow suit.

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Weekend reading: “Global inequality” edition

This is a post we publish each Friday with links to articles that touch on economic inequality and growth. The first section is a round-up of what Equitable Growth published this week and the second is relevant and interesting articles we’re highlighting from elsewhere. We won’t be the first to share these articles, but we hope by taking a look back at the whole week, we can put them in context.

Equitable Growth round-up

In the most recent of our series of conversations with leading academic and policy thinkers, Equitable Growth President and CEO Heather Boushey sat down with University of California, Berkeley economist and Equitable Growth grantee Gabriel Zucman. His research focuses on global wealth, inequality, and tax havens. He is co-director of the World Inequality Database, which provides access to extensive data series on the world distribution of income and wealth. Zucman and Boushey discussed rising inequality in the United States and how it compares to that in other countries, the importance of measuring economic inequality, and the creation and usefulness of distributional national accounts.

The U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics on August 6 released the June data from the Job Openings and Labor Turnover Survey, or JOLTS. Kate Bahn and Will McGrew produced four graphs using the data, which show that the job market remains tight, with the potential for restoring some lost bargaining power for U.S. workers.

Brad DeLong has provided us with his latest worthy reads with his takes on content from Equitable Growth and around the web.

Links from around the web

“Yes, America Is Rigged Against Workers,” writes Steven Greenhouse in The New York Times. He says the United States suffers from “anti-worker exceptionalism” because it treats its workers worse than most advanced economies. The United States is the only advanced industrial nation that does not guarantee paid maternity leave. And it has the lowest minimum wage as a percentage of the median wage of any member nation of Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. While economists debate why this is the case, there is one reason they all agree on, he writes: Labor unions are weaker here than in other industrialized nations. [nyt]

The four most recent former chairs of the Federal Reserve Board of Governors, including Equitable Growth Steering Committee member Janet Yellen, wrote an op-ed in The Wall Street Journal reminding the country—and policymakers, in particular—of the importance of maintaining the independence of the Fed. They argued that the institution must be able to act “free of short-term political pressures and, in particular, without the threat of removal or demotion of Fed leaders for political reasons.” The former chairs, who collectively served in the position for nearly 40 years and were appointed and reappointed by six presidents of both parties, did not cite a reason for the timing of their column. [wsj]

A program in Seattle seeks to prove a critical finding of former Equitable Growth Steering Committee member Raj Chetty that growing up in the right neighborhood can make all the difference in life outcomes, writes Nicholas Kristof in The New York Times. The Seattle program, Creating Moves to Opportunity, provides vouchers for low-income families to move to better neighborhoods, plus a “housing navigator” and additional assistance in finding homes and getting settled. Kristof points to new research by Chetty showing that families are taking advantage of this opportunity, and the evidence from previous research by Chetty and others suggests that we will likely see significant benefits for their children in the years to come. [nyt]

In the wake of a court decision blocking the Obama administration’s proposed rule to substantially increase the number of workers eligible for overtime pay, several states are moving forward with proposals of their own to accomplish the same goal within their boundaries, reports Rachel Feintzeig in The Wall Street Journal. The U.S. Labor Department is developing a new national proposal that is substantially more modest than the Obama plan, she writes. [wsj]

Friday Figure

Figure is from Equitable Growth’s “JOLTS Day Graphs: June 2019 Report Edition,” by Kate Bahn and Will McGrew.

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Brad DeLong: Worthy reads on equitable growth, August 2-8, 2019

Worthy reads from Equitable Growth:
 

  1. At each stage of the process by which the innovation workforce is built, being black and being female is a powerful disadvantage at making it through the filter and proceeding to the next stage. Read Lisa Cook and Jan Gerso, “The implications of U.S. gender and racial disparities in income and wealth inequality at each stage of the innovation process,” in which they write: “Gender and racial disparities exist at each stage of the innovation process, from education to training, and from the practice of invention to the commercialization of invention, and can be costly to the U.S. economy. These disparities can also lead to increased income and wealth inequalities at each stage for those who would otherwise participate in the innovation economy. Let’s look at each stage to assess this problem in further detail.”
  2. A better-run IRS would devote much more in the way of resources to investigating “independent contractor” fraud and abuse. Read Corey Husak, “How U.S. companies harm workers by making them independent contractors,” in which he writes: “Being classified as either an employee or an independent contractor can determine whether workers in the United States have access to reliable pay, benefits, and protection from discrimination. Intense fights are cropping up across the country as companies try to argue that their workers are just ‘independent contractors’ and do not qualify for many protections under U.S. labor law, while workers and some courts say the opposite, that some workers are actually employees. Many ‘gig economy’ companies, such as Uber Technologies Inc., base their business models around misclassifying their workers as self-employed. Billions of dollars in worker pay is at stake.”
  3. Heather Boushey interviews the great Gabriel Zucman. The most important point is that the increase in inequality in the United States has been largely a choice—a choice of those elected, even if the one elected was done so by a margin of 5-4 Supreme Court justices or collected 3 million fewer popular votes. Read “In Conversation with Gabriel Zucman,” which he explains: “There is this widespread view that rising inequality is a mechanical consequence of globalization and technical change, spurred in large part by competition with China and the substitutions between workers and machines. But, you know, France has computers too, and also trades with China—and generally trades more than the United States. So, it does not seem possible to explain the stagnation of U.S. working-class income by globalization and technical change. It’s more likely that this stagnation of income for the bottom half of the U.S. income distribution comes from policy changes. Things such as the collapse of the federal minimum wage, the declining power of unions, changes to taxation, to access to higher education.”

 

Worthy reads not from Equitable Growth:

  1. Martin Wolf has an aggressive thumbs-down on Facebook Inc.’s Libra payments system. Basically, it is “fool me once, shame on you; fool me twice, shame on me.” Facebook’s claim that it is built on “blockchain technology” seems simply wrong, and a grift—a second-order grift, given that “blockchain technology” is already a grift. Plus, he writes that “Facebook has been grossly irresponsible over its impact on our democracies. It cannot obviously be trusted with our payments systems. … Beware.” The fact that Facebook’s past behavior has created such a strong anti-Facebook presumption in somebody as reasonable and fair as Martin is, I think, a powerful thing to note. Read Martin Wolf, “Facebook Enters Dangerous Waters With Libra Cryptocurrency,” in which he writes: “Facebook seems likely to dominate Libra’s technical development. That will surely give it predominant influence … The claim that it is based on ‘blockchain’ technology seems rather questionable … There is indeed potential for greatly improved payment systems. But the emergence of a payment system on a network of Facebook’s scale would raise some huge questions … This would be true even if the lead sponsor were not Facebook. But it is. So beware.”
  2. This baseline assumption seems, to me, to be a very useful position to start from—that groups of people who behave differently have different powers and face different constraints, not that they want different things. Read George J. Stigler and Gary S. Becker, “De Gustibus Non Est Disputandum,” in which they write: “The establishment of the proposition that one may usefully treat tastes as stable over time and similar among people is the central task of this essay. The ambitiousness of our agenda deserves emphasis: We are proposing the hypothesis that widespread and/or persistent human behavior can be explained by a generalized calculus of utility-maximizing behavior, without introducing the qualification ‘tastes remaining the same.’”
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JOLTS Day Graphs: June 2019 Report Edition

Every month the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics releases data on hiring, firing, and other labor market flows from the Job Openings and Labor Turnover Survey, better known as JOLTS. Today, the BLS released the latest data for June 2019. This report doesn’t get as much attention as the monthly Employment Situation Report, but it contains useful information about the state of the U.S. labor market. Below are a few key graphs using data from the report.

1.

The quit rate has held steady at 2.3% for over a year, reflecting workers’ confidence in finding other opportunities and voluntarily leaving their jobs.

2.

The jobs openings rate declined slightly to 4.6% while the hire rate was unchanged at 3.8%, so the labor market still appears tight with more openings than hires.

3.

There continues to be fewer than one unemployed worker per job opening, which has the potential to increase the bargaining power of job seekers.

4.

Despite a slight increase in unemployment and a slight decrease in the job openings rate, the Beveridge Curve reflects an expansionary labor market.

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Weekend reading: “Five hours, twenty candidates, lots of plans” edition

This is a post we publish each Friday with links to articles that touch on economic inequality and growth. The first section is a round-up of what Equitable Growth published this week and the second is relevant and interesting articles we’re highlighting from elsewhere. We won’t be the first to share these articles, but we hope by taking a look back at the whole week, we can put them in context.

Equitable Growth round-up

Being classified as either an employee or an independent contractor can determine whether workers in the United States have access to reliable pay, benefits, and protection from discrimination. Many “gig economy” companies, writes Corey Husak, base their business models on misclassifying their workers as self-employed. Billions of dollars in worker pay and benefits is at stake for these workers, who generally lack the meaningful work independence one associates with true independent contractors.

Michael Kades continues to track the progress in the U.S. Congress of bipartisan legislation to contain prescription drug prices by injecting greater competition into the marketplace. Last month, two Senate committees passed legislation that the Washington Center for Equitable Growth advised Congress would help achieve this goal. This follows action by the full House on related or identical bills. The legislation has had strong bipartisan support throughout the process, and the White House is supportive, but Kades points out that barriers remain.

The U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics issued its monthly report on the U.S. labor market. Kate Bahn and Will McGrew perused the report, which covers July, and compiled five graphs highlighting important trends.

Catch up on Brad DeLong’s latest worthy reads from Equitable Growth and around the web.

Links from around the web

What’s the best way to gauge the health of the U.S. economy? Not necessarily by measuring Gross Domestic Product, writes Gretchen Frazee at PBS. She notes that it disregards key factors that affect people’s well-being, such as health and the environment, and cites Equitable Growth grantee Nancy Folbre, who notes that it ignores unpaid work, including taking care of one’s children. [pbs]

Chicago’s city council has approved a “fair workweek” ordinance that requires large employers to give workers at least two weeks’ notice of their schedules and compensate them for last-minute changes, writes Alexia Elejalde-Ruiz at the Chicago Tribune. A lack of schedule stability is gaining increasing attention as both a source and product of income inequality. [Chicago Tribune]

There are a number of ways to see that an economic expansion is near or at an end and a recession is on the horizon or actually underway, writes Ben Casselman at The New York Times. Recessions are inevitable, and recognizing them before the economy has already begun contracting has been more art than science. But that may no longer be true. Casselman cites Equitable Growth Research Advisory Board member Claudia Sahm‘s rule of thumb, which focuses on changes in the unemployment rate. [nyt]

The DoorDash tipping controversy continues to make for interesting reading. Columnist Farhad Manjoo writes that the issue “lays bare how shaky and capricious the entire digital economy is for workers.” “What worries me,” he adds, “is that these laborers are invisible ‘ghost workers’ hidden behind screens and apps and algorithms and digital tip jars, working for unpredictable, A.I.-dictated, sub-minimum wage…” [nyt]

Friday figure

Figure is from Equitable Growth’s “How U.S. companies harm workers by making them independent contractors,” by Corey Husak.

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Equitable Growth’s Jobs Day Graphs: July 2019 Report Edition

On August 2nd, the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics released new data on the U.S. labor market during the month of July. Below are five graphs compiled by Equitable Growth staff highlighting important trends in the data.

1.

The employment-to-population ratio for prime-age workers is showing signs of plateauing in this phase of the labor market expansion.

2.

With a low unemployment rate of 3.7% for the entire labor force, the rate for African American workers at 6.0% and Hispanic workers at 4.5% remains significantly higher than that of White workers at 3.3%.

3.

Wage growth was a tepid 3.2% year-over-year in July, with no sign that the labor market is overheating despite low unemployment.

4.

While better-educated workers continue to have lower unemployment rates overall, the rates for less-educated workers decreased in July while increasing slightly for those with a Bachelor’s degree or higher.

5.

Recent employment gains in manufacturing have plateaued and remain at much lower levels than in service industries like health and education.

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