Equitable Growth invests $1.064 million in advancing research on inequality and growth

The Washington Center for Equitable Growth today announced a set of 14 research grants to scholars seeking evidence on key issues related to economic inequality and growth. The research, chosen in a competitive process with vetting by outside academics and approved by our Steering Committee, will be conducted by faculty members at leading U.S. colleges and universities.

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2019-grantee-announcement

Equitable Growth also announced 13 research grants to doctoral students, as well as two resident scholar positions to doctoral students. A total of $1.064 million in grants was awarded.

The topics of the funded research are central to addressing the challenges faced by U.S. workers and their families. They range from how firms set wages and the power workers have in demanding fair pay, to the economic effects of antitrust enforcement and mergers. This is our sixth class of grantees. Since our founding in 2013, we have funded nearly $5 million to nearly 200 scholars.

Equitable Growth supports research to better understand the channels through which inequality affects growth and to provide evidence for policies that can address inequality and ensure strong, stable, and broad-based economic growth. We’re dedicated to bridging the gap between academia and policy by making sure research is relevant to today’s policy debates, and by informing policymakers of cutting-edge research.

Equitable Growth funds research in four categories, which the organization explained in its recent Request for Proposals:

  • Human capital: How does economic inequality affect the development of human capital, and to what extent do aggregate trends in human capital explain inequality dynamics?
  • Macroeconomic policy: What are the implications of inequality for the long-term stability of our economy and its growth potential?
  • Market structure: Are markets becoming less competitive and, if so, why, and what are the implications for productivity, investment, labor markets, labor power, and economic growth?
  • Labor market: How does the labor market affect equitable growth? How do inequality and productivity affect the labor market?

Following are the researchers and the research Equitable Growth has awarded grants to this year.

Two projects were funded on the subject of schedule stability for workers, an area that is gaining increasing attention for its impact not only on the lives of workers and their families, but also on the well-being of the companies that rely on those workers. The work will build on existing research that Equitable Growth has funded in this area.

Duke University researcher Anna Gassman-Pines and Columbia University researcher Elizabeth Ananat will identify the consequences of scheduling regulation on workers with young children. Using daily diaries compiled by workers (a more accurate tool than survey questions), they will evaluate the impact of the Philadelphia Fair Workweek Standard, which was enacted in 2018 and will take effect in 2020.

Erin Kelly, Hazhir Rahmandad, and Alex Kowalski, all of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, will collaborate with a warehousing firm to study the impacts on both workers and the firm of unpredictable scheduling. They will document the risks of certain schedules for workers’ health and well-being, as well as the relationships between schedules and worker turnover, absenteeism, and productivity. They will also develop an experiment that provides workers with greater control over their schedules and measure the effects on worker well-being and firm productivity.

Another two grants focus on minimum wages.

The University of Michigan’s Nirupama Rao and Max Risch will study how firms accommodate increases in the minimum wage, with a focus on changes in employment and income. They will examine which kinds of workers, if any, lose or gain employment following increases in the minimum wage and how the incomes of covered and uncovered workers, as well as those of firm owners, are affected.

Jennifer Romich, Scott Allard, Mark Long, and Heather Hill, all of the University of Washington, will develop a database by linking state administrative data that will enable researchers to analyze the impact of minimum wage increases and other policy changes in the state of Washington on household income and participation in government programs.

In addition to minimum wage laws, previous research tells us how important firms are in determining worker pay. A number of grants will explore the determinants of worker wages.

In a study of how firms set wages, David Weil of Brandeis University and Ellora Derenoncourt of Princeton University will examine the degree to which broad wage increases by large employers affect the wage-setting practices of smaller businesses. They will look at the impacts of such actions as minimum wage increases by Amazon.com Inc. and Walmart Inc. and an executive order issued by President Barack Obama that raised the minimum wage paid by federal contractors.

MIT’s Simon Jäger and Benjamin Schoefer of the University of California, Berkeley, will study the impact of shared corporate governance—workers participating in the management of the companies where they work. This is not so common in the United States but is the law in some other countries, including Germany. Their project will use reforms in the German law to analyze the effects of shared governance on such outcomes as wages, distribution of profits, and pay equity within firms.

David Berger of Duke University, Kyle Herkenhoff of the University of Minnesota, and Simon Mongey of the University of Chicago will use government data to help determine the extent to which corporate mergers might have a monopsonistic effect on competition in the U.S. labor market—that is, whether mergers have given firms, rather than markets, the power to set wage levels. They will look at the effects on compensation and numbers of jobs for low- and high-wage workers and more broadly at labor’s share of business income. They will also study long-term effects on earnings for those who lose their jobs in the wake of a merger.

Finally, MIT’s Nathan Wilmers will seek to improve understanding of job mobility by using data sources to distinguish between those who move to a new job within their current employer and those who take a job with a new employer. The project may help to explain whether or not increased within-organization job mobility is disproportionately benefiting high-income/high-skill workers and therefore contributing to inequality in the labor market.

In order to better understand obstacles to rejoining the labor market for formerly incarcerated individuals, as well as the benefits of job training programs, Peter Blair of Harvard University and Morris Kleiner of the University of Minnesota will examine how state laws governing the ability of ex-offenders to obtain an occupational license affect their employment prospects and wages over time. The researchers will create a publicly available database of statutory and administrative laws throughout the United States on the subject.

In addition to the need for higher wages and enhanced worker bargaining power, evidence points to the necessity of effective government programs that provide a strong safety net to support individuals and families in need and help unemployed workers while they seek new jobs. In order to provide evidence on what works, we have awarded a grant to Hilary Hoynes of the University of California, Berkeley to study the impact of different types of welfare reforms. She will examine the long-run results of a series of experiments with low-income workers and families conducted in the 1980s and 1990s by MRDC, a public policy research organization. The experiments included various forms of employment incentives and subsidies, job training and search assistance, time limits, and sanctions. Her research will analyze their effects on such outcomes as earnings and employment, marriage, mortality, and later participation in welfare programs by adults and, importantly, their children.

Equitable Growth is equally interested in how markets are functioning and the distribution of economic growth. Equitable Growth is therefore supporting research into markets and the returns of market gains.

Juan Carlos Suarez Serrato of Duke University, Mark Curtis of Wake Forest University, and Eric Ohrn of Grinnell College will explore the forces that determine whether business income goes to capital or to labor, and how that affects inequality. Building on previous research on the distribution of benefits from bonus depreciation, a business tax break that was significantly enhanced—temporarily—by the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017, they will address outcomes such as wage levels and jobs gained or lost for workers of various skill levels. Since this provision encourages mechanization, the research is also an opportunity to examine the impacts of technology on workers.

Constructing a comprehensive database of more than a century and a quarter of federal antitrust enforcement actions is the goal of University of Chicago colleagues Simcha Barkai (also affiliated with the London Business School) and Ezra Karger. They will link these data about Department of Justice and Federal Trade Commission actions against firms and individuals between 1890 and 2017 to other government data to measure the effect of antitrust enforcement on economic output.

Examining a more specific market, Randall Akee of the University of California, Los Angeles and Elton Mykerezi of the University of Minnesota will extend their prior work studying business dynamics on and near American Indian reservations. They will focus on how large casinos acting as anchor businesses affect the transportation, food services, retail operations, and lodging industries. The research will not only produce new data on American Indian reservations, which is severely lacking, but also shed light on what economic development policies might be successful in isolated rural areas.

Scott Kominers and Ravi Jagadeesan of Harvard University, Mohammad Akbarpour of Stanford University, and Piotr Dworczak of Northwestern University will carry out theoretical work on the design of markets for goods. Specifically, they will conduct three studies addressing various issues in the context of significant wealth inequality.

Equitable Growth is also awarding 13 research grants to doctoral students in order to build the pipeline of scholars doing research relevant to inequality and growth. Ph.D. students who will receive grants this year are:

Ratib Ali of Boston College, Peter Fugiel of the University of Chicago, Ingrid Haegele of UC Berkeley, Isaac Jabola-Carolus of The Graduate Center of the City University of New York, Maningbe Keita of Johns Hopkins University, Daniel Mangrum of Vanderbilt University, Jacob Orchard of the University of California, San Diego, Krista Ruffini of the UC Berkeley, Lauren Russell of Harvard University, Anna Stansbury (and co-investigator Gregor Schubert) of Harvard University, Conor Walsh of Yale University, Christian Wolf of Princeton University, and Samuel Young (and co-investigator Sean Wang) of MIT.

Two doctoral students will spend an academic year as resident scholars at Equitable Growth, where they will have an opportunity to pursue their research and gain experience in how research can inform the policy process. They are Angela Lee of Harvard University and Umberto Muratori of Georgetown University.

Equitable Growth’s academic program is a year-round process. Now that the 2019–20 grants have been announced, our staff and Steering Committee will get to work on the RFP for our next grant cycle. And going forward, we will publish new research from our grantees, make sure policymakers and the public see the results, and continue to build a bridge between those who make policy and those who can provide the evidence they need to do so in a way that supports an economy that works for all Americans.

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Weekend reading: “Corporate Responsibility” edition 

This is a post we publish each Friday with links to articles that touch on economic inequality and growth. The first section is a round-up of what Equitable Growth published this week, and the second is relevant and interesting articles we’re highlighting from elsewhere. We won’t be the first to share these articles, but we hope by taking a look back at the whole week, we can put them in context.

Equitable Growth round-up

Wealth disparities between the rich and the poor in the United States have broadened over the past 30 years, according to the Federal Reserve Board’s Distributional Financial Accounts, released earlier this month. Raksha Kopparam analyzes the new data, which show that the bottom 50 percent of wealth owners in the United States are only now returning to the levels of wealth they had in 2000, and that their share of the nation’s wealth is glancingly small. At the other end of the spectrum, the top 1 percent have seen their wealth grow by 600 percent since 1989.

The domestic outsourcing of jobs in the United States is fast becoming a dominant explanation for the destruction of the social contract of work, a historic concept in which norms of fairness and solidarity between firms and their employees played a major role in wage setting and workplace standards for some U.S. workers—though of course many others such as African American workers were consistently more marginalized. Kate Bahn reviews relevant research literature from a wide array of sources, including Equitable Growth, and finds that the U.S. labor market is increasingly characterized by the fissured workplace, in which workers are employed at firms with core competencies and all other duties or certain functions in the production process are contracted out, and, not coincidentally, by monopsony, the ability of firms rather than markets to set wages. These trends, she notes, are at least partly responsible for stagnant wages and declining job quality.

The United States remains the only industrialized nation without a national paid leave program, despite evidence that these programs can benefit working parents and employers as well. In 2004, California became the first of what are now eight states, plus the District of Columbia, to establish a publicly funded program for family leave. Katherine Policelli and Alix Gould-Werth report this week on new research by Alexandra Stanczyk showing that California’s paid leave program helped new mothers avoid poverty. “The introduction of paid leave in California,” they write, “is tied to a 10.2 percent decrease in risk of new mothers dropping below the poverty threshold and disproportionately helps women with lower levels of education and who are unmarried.”

Brad DeLong has again passed along his worthy reads for the past week or so, with content from Equitable Growth and elsewhere.

Links from around the web

This week, the influential Business Roundtable, whose members are the chief executive officers of nearly 200 of the largest corporations in the United States, issued a statement declaring that maximizing profits for shareholders should no longer be the sole purpose of a company. The statement declares that the concerns of other stakeholders—workers, consumers, suppliers, and communities—also need to be corporate priorities. In a column published later in the week, Eric Posner, a professor at the University of Chicago Law School, expresses some skepticism. “While the statement is a welcome repudiation of a highly influential but spurious theory of corporate responsibility,” he writes, “this new philosophy will not likely change the way corporations behave. The only way to force corporations to act in the public interest is to subject them to legal regulation.” [atlantic]

“Most Americans say it’s not ideal for a child to be raised by two working parents,” writes The New York TimesClaire Cain Miller. “Yet in two-thirds of American families, both parents work. This disconnect between ideals and reality helps explain why the United States has been so resistant to universal public child care. Even as child care is setting up to be an issue in the presidential campaign, a more basic question has recently resurfaced: whether mothers should work in the first place.” Miller adds: “…[I]n the United States, people have long had conflicted feelings about whether society and government should make it easier for mothers to work outside the home, and these are complicated by attitudes about race and poverty.” [nyt]

German Lopez was skeptical of unions. Then, the Vox senior correspondent joined one. He describes how he went, in a year and a half, from opposing the unionization of the Vox Media editorial staff to celebrating with his colleagues when the union signed a contract agreement with the company. He explains that he was not opposed to unions in general but thought Vox was a generous company, and that some workers would take advantage of union protections. But after he did the research, which he describes in this piece, he was sold, not only on the Vox union but on the deep importance of unions for all workers. “I had done a complete 180 on unions,” he writes. [vox]

“You have a better chance of achieving ‘the American dream’ in Canada than in America” may be a startling headline, but the data don’t lie, former Equitable Growth Steering Committee member Raj Chetty tells Ezra Klein in a one-on-one interview. Chetty discusses his recent research on families, neighborhoods, and mobility; on the significant return on public investments in children; on the impact of poverty on life expectancy; and on the “fading of the American dream,” the expectation that children will be better off than their parents. [vox] (See also Equitable Growth’s In Conversation with Raj Chetty.)

We tend to think of doctors as having very long, sometimes erratic hours, which can be another way of saying family-unfriendly hours. But Claire Cain Miller, in another interesting analysis, finds that things have changed. “Medicine has become something of a stealth family-friendly profession, at a time when other professions are growing more greedy about employees’ time,” she writes. “[M]edicine has changed in ways that offer doctors and other health care workers the option of more control over their hours, depending on the specialty and job they choose, while still practicing at the top of their training and being paid proportionately.” And Miller cites Claudia Goldin’s research showing female doctors are likelier than women with law degrees, business degrees or doctorates to have children. Other research shows they’re also much less likely to stop working when they do. [nyt]

Friday Figure

Figure is from Equitable Growth’s “The Federal Reserve’s new Distributional Financial Accounts provide telling data on growing U.S. wealth and income inequality,” by Raksha Kopparam.

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Brad DeLong: Worthy reads on equitable growth, August 16–23, 2019

Worthy reads from Equitable Growth:

  1. I am skeptical of claims of wage stagnation over the past 40 years in the United States. Our modern information and communications technologies are worth a good deal, as is pollution control. I think the argument is better made in the sense of Karl Polanyi: People thought that they would have a certain style of middle-class life, but stagnant paid wages and rising housing and other prices have led to grave disappointment. It is not the future that people in the past had ordered, and so many are very upset. Read Heather Boushey “In Conversation with Gabriel Zucman,” in which Zucman notes: “Even this mediocre growth performance is much more than what’s been experienced by most of the population. Almost 90 percent of the population has seen its income grow by less than that. And for half of the U.S. population—about 120 million adults today—there’s been zero growth in average pretax income since 1980. This means that in 1980, for the bottom 50 percent, average income before government intervention was $16,000 a year, adjusted for inflation. Today, it’s still $16,000 a year. That’s a generation-long stagnation in income for half of the population.”
  1. Kate Bahn thinks about the “fissured workplace” interacting in your daily life with people of other social classes as valued colleagues. This is, perhaps, a powerful glue holding the society together that we have, to a substantial extent, lost. Read Kate Bahn, “Domestic outsourcing of jobs leads to declining U.S. job quality and lower wages,” in which she writes: “One prototypical example is janitorial work, where most office cleaners today are employed by a janitorial services company that is contracted by the building owner where individual office places lease their space. These kinds of fissured employment patterns have led economists and other social science researchers to examine a variety of empirical research questions about what has caused domestic outsourcing, what the impacts have been and for whom, and what the future of the firm will be.”
  1. So far, it looks like a very good benefit-cost ratio for California’s paid leave program. Read Katherine Policelli and Alix Gould-Werth, “California Paid Family Leave reduces poverty,” in which they write: “Between 2004 and 2013, the California paid leave program increased household income levels and lowered poverty rates for mothers of 1-year-olds … an average $3,407 increase in income … Also … good news specific to the bottom end of the income distribution: The introduction of paid leave in California is tied to a 10.2 percent decrease in risk of new mothers dropping below the poverty threshold and disproportionately helps women with lower levels of education and who are unmarried.”

Worthy reads not from Equitable Growth:

  1. I am, usually, a strong advocate of “play your position.” And I try to practice what I preach. But this week I cannot. Here is President Donald Trump in the past explaining why Jay Powell was his choice to be chair of the Fed: “That is why we need strong, sound, and steady [pause] leadership at the United States Federal Reserve. I have nominated Jay to be our next Federal Chairman. [pause] And so important, because he will provide exactly that type of leadership. He’s strong. He’s committed. He’s smart. And, if he is confirmed by the Senate, Jay will put his considerable talents to work, leading our nation’s independent central bank. Jay has learned the respect and admiration of his colleagues for his hard work, expertise, and judgment. Based on his record, I am confident Jay has the wisdom and leadership to guide our economy through any challenges that our great economy may face.”
  1. And now here is President Trump, complaining because Jay Powell is following the monetary policy that Trump knew he would follow when he nominated him: “Our Economy is very strong, despite the horrendous lack of vision by Jay Powell and the Fed, but the Democrats are trying to “will” the Economy to be bad for purposes of the 2020 Election. Very Selfish! Our dollar is so strong that it is sadly hurting other parts of the world. The Fed Rate, over a fairly short period of time, should be reduced by at least 100 basis points, with perhaps some quantitative easing as well. If that happened, our Economy would be even better, and the World Economy would be greatly and quickly enhanced-good for everyone!.” Is Trump trying to convince his base that Jay Powell was somehow the choice of the dastardly Democrats rather than his own choice? Has Trump forgotten that Jay Powell was his choice and is doing what Trump chose him to do? I used to think that there was some method here. But now the signs of cognitive decline seem strong enough that I do not think it wise to make that assumption.
  1. Okay, back, finally, to playing my position. We now have, or ought to have, the information sources to create much more finely grained and much more accurate economic and social indicators. We should work hard to do so. Read Joseph Stiglitz, Martine Durand, and Jean-Paul Fitoussi, “Who Are You Going to Believe, Me or the Evidence of Your Own Eyes?,” in which they write: “We need to develop datasets and tools to examine the factors that determine what matters for people and the places in which they live. Having the right set of indicators, and anchoring them in policy, will help close the gap between experts and ordinary people that are at the root of today’s political crisis … The Stiglitz-Sen-Fitoussi Commission … final report was published in 2009 … The production of goods and services in the market economy—something which [Gross Domestic Product] does try to capture—is of course a major influence, but even in the limited domain of the market, GDP doesn’t reflect much that is important. The most used economic indicators concentrate on averages, and give little or no information on well-being at a more detailed level, for instance how income is distributed … Economic insecurity today is only one of the risks individuals face … The Group considered how to better measure the resources needed to ensure economic, environmental and social sustainability.”
  1. The very sharp Martin Wolf fears that attachment to Modern Monetary Theory may produce predictable distortions in politicians’ thoughts. Read his “States Create Useful Money, but Abuse It,” in which he writes: “What then are the problems with MMT? … Suppose holders of money fear that the government is prepared to spend on its high priority items, regardless of how overheated the economy might become … fear that the central bank has also become entirely subject to the government’s whims … They are then likely to dump money … The focus of MMT’s proponents on balance sheets and indifference to expectations that drive behaviour are huge errors … If politicians think they do not need to worry about the possibility of default, only about inflation, their tendency may be to assume output can be driven far higher, and unemployment far lower, than is possible without triggering an upsurge in inflation.”
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The Federal Reserve’s new Distributional Financial Accounts provide telling data on growing U.S. wealth and income inequality

Wealth disparities between the rich and the poor in the United States have broadened over the past 30 years, according to a new dataset released earlier this month by researchers at the Federal Reserve Board. Their Distributional Financial Accounts is the new dataset that provides quarterly estimates of wealth distribution in the country from 1989 to 2019. 1 The new dataset was created by integrating the Federal Reserve Board’s Financial Accounts with the Survey of Consumer Finances. Together, they contain reliable measures of the distribution of household-sector assets and liabilities from 1989, which gives policymakers and economists alike new insight into how the distribution of wealth has changed since the 1990s.

The new Federal Reserve Board dataset confirms that wealth concentration has been growing, consistent with other data series such as the World Inequality Database assembled by academics worldwide. Indeed, the Fed’s new Distributional Financial Accounts open up new opportunities to study close to real-time changes in the U.S. wealth distribution. It provides the necessary data to study fluctuations in the wealth distribution over short time periods, while accounting for changes that occur between times of survey measurement for less frequently collected datasets.

The Distributional Financial Accounts show that the share of wealth among the top 1 percent of wealth owners in the United States was strongly pro-cyclical before, during, and after the dot-com era in the late-20th century and the Great Recession of 2007—2009. The new dataset shows that shares of wealth across the wealth distribution grew and fell in tandem with fluctuations in overall economic growth. The authors credit this rise in wealth concentration to an increased concentration of assets held, rather than decreased concentration in liabilities. (See Figure 1.)

Figure 1

Looking at the cumulative growth of wealth disaggregated by group, we see that the bottom 50 percent of wealth owners experienced no net wealth growth since 1989. At the other end of the spectrum, the top 1 percent have seen their wealth grow by almost 300 percent since 1989. 2 Although cumulative wealth growth was relatively similar among all wealth groups through the 1990s, the top 1 percent and bottom 50 percent diverged around 2000. (See Figure 2).

Figure 2

The Fed’s new Distributional Financial Accounts of U.S. wealth is highly informative when matched with the Distributional National Accounts dataset produced by Gabriel Zucman and Emmanuel Saez at the University of California, Berkeley. Both datasets distribute an aggregate metric from the Fed’s National Income and Product accounts to see where economic growth is concentrated in wealth and in income, respectively. Saez and Zucman find that when they disaggregate National Income, the richest 10 percent of income earners held 23 percent of all income earned in 2016. The Distributional Financial Accounts show that wealth is even more strongly concentrated, with 10 percent of the population holding 70 percent of all wealth in the United States in 2018. (See Figure 3.)

Figure 3

Comparing income inequality calculated by Zucman and Saez and wealth inequality according to the Fed’s new Distributional Financial Accounts indicates that wealth inequality is growing faster than income inequality in the United States: Income inequality is historically high, but wealth inequality is outpacing it. Alarmingly, the new Fed dataset also shows that a large portion of U.S. households have little to no wealth at all. One way this poses a threat is that at times of emergencies, households at the bottom are at risk of having no savings or disposable wealth to use. As wealth inequality grows, we see a heightened risk that more U.S. households could be left without emergency savings.

These new metrics help policymakers understand who benefits from U.S. economic growth. When most of U.S. Gross Domestic Product growth accrues overwhelming to wealthy income earners, as has been the case since the early 1980s, then low- and middle-income households suffer immensely in the event of a recession, as happened in 2008 amid the depths of the Great Recession. This kind of analysis can help policymakers figure out how to curb growing inequality by giving them accurate and timely information on the health of the U.S. economy up and down the income and wealth ladders. Understanding where wealth sits, who holds wealth, and how wealth relates to income helps economists and politicians see how the economy is functioning and provide meaningful policy solutions to growing inequality. (See Figure 4.)

Figure 4

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Research finds the domestic outsourcing of jobs leads to declining U.S. job quality and lower wages

The domestic outsourcing of jobs in the United States is fast becoming a dominant explanation for the destruction of the social contract of work, a historic concept in which norms of fairness and solidarity between firms and their employees played a major role in wage setting and workplace standards for some U.S. workers—though of course many others such as African American workers were consistently more marginalized. The destruction of this social contract, detailed in Brandeis University economist David Weil’s book The Fissured Workplace, describes a labor market structure in which workers are employed at firms with core competencies and then those firms subcontract out all other duties or specific functions in the production process.

Within daily work activities, U.S. workers may directly interact with other workers across a variety of firms with different levels of job quality. One prototypical example is janitorial work, where most office cleaners today are employed by a janitorial services company that is contracted by the building owner where individual office places lease their space. These kinds of fissured employment patterns have led economists and other social science researchers to examine a variety of empirical research questions about what has caused domestic outsourcing, what the impacts have been and for whom, and what the future of the firm will be.

This body of research lays the groundwork for U.S. policymakers to understand the impact of this domestic outsourcing phenomenon and what sort of policy solutions can ensure that economic prosperity is broadly shared as workers and firms alike consider “the future of work” in the United States. A good place to start is a 2016 literature review published by the Center for Economic and Policy Research—written by Director of University of California, Berkeley’s Labor Center Low-Wage Work Program Annette Bernhardt, Cornell University’s Alice Hanson Cook and Rosemary Batt, Upjohn Institute Vice President and Director of Research Susan Houseman, and Center for Economic Policy Research Co-Director Eileen Appelbaum, titled “Domestic Outsourcing in the United States: A Research Agenda to Assess Trends and Effects on Job Quality.” In their report, they define relevant terms for domestic outsourcing and describe the evidence on what has caused changes to firms’ organizational strategies, as well as the impact on workers. They draw attention to the importance of differences in organizational strategies across firms and across industries and how these differences translate into job quality.

In their review of the literature, Bernhardt, Cook, Batt, Houseman, and Appelbaum examine the supply-side and demand-side reasons for the breakdown of this relationship: Technological advancement made it easier to control and monitor decentralized outsourcing, while changes to the regulatory environment increased incentives to outsource. An overarching theme of this research has been the growing divide between high-paying jobs with good benefits and low-paying contingent jobs with limited benefits and unpredictable schedules. Recent research by Arindrajit Dube at the University of Massachusetts Amherst and Ethan Kaplan at the University of Maryland finds that outsourcing in janitorial services and security services led to a wage penalty for low-wage service occupations. This is an important concern for workers and policymakers alike, as wage stagnation, earnings volatility, income inequality, and job polarization inhibit broadly shared economic growth.

Indeed, one of the implications of outsourcing is that equally skilled workers earn very different wages depending on the kind of firm in which they work. Recent research by Equitable Growth grantees Patrick Kline at the University of California, Berkeley, Neviana Petkova at the U.S. Department of the Treasury, Heidi Williams at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, and Owen Zidar at Princeton University estimates the extent to which profits from patents are distributed both among firms and among their workers. Their research is among the first evidence to show that while firms do pass profits derived from patents onto workers through higher wages, these increased wages disproportionately go to the highest earners. One of the researchers, MIT’s Williams, notes:

There is growing empirical evidence that firms contribute substantially to wage inequality across identically skilled workers. Put simply, how much you earn seems to depend in part on the firm at which you work as opposed to depending solely on your own skills.

This fissuring of the U.S. workplace also reinforces another increasingly recognized explanation for wage stagnation and declining job quality: increasing market concentration and monopsony. In an Equitable Growth working paper, economist Ioana Marinescu and law professor Herbert Hovenkamp at the University of Pennsylvania detail how “some mergers may be unlawful because they injure competition in the labor market by enabling the post-merger firm anticompetitively to suppress wages or salaries.” As corporations have fissured and embraced outsourcing, companies themselves have become increasingly specialized. Elizabeth Handwerker at the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics and James Spletzer at the U.S. Census Bureau find that occupation concentration has increased, and this concentration is correlated with the growth in wage inequality between establishments. And another recent Equitable Growth Working Paper by Elena Prager at Northwestern University and Matt Schmitt at the University of California, Los Angeles finds that hospital consolidation is correlated with declining wages for skilled health workers.

Outsourcing as a management tool may also cause monopsony-like outcomes, with a lead firm effectively setting wages and labor practices among smaller firms, even in the absence of concentrated markets. This franchise model is examined by Equitable Growth grantee Brian Callaci at the University of Massachusetts Amherst. He demonstrates how franchisor-franchisee relationships echo these trends, with franchisors exercising control over franchisees, who are compelled to maintain low labor costs and high labor monitoring. Franchising as a business model is akin to the outcomes of domestic outsourcing and often gives excessive market power to franchisors, leading to inefficient outcomes for both franchisees and workers. Similarly, Equitable Growth grantee Nathan Wilmers at MIT’s Sloan School of Management finds that large corporate buyers are able to pressure their suppliers to maintain low wages among their workers along U.S. supply chains.

As domestic outsourcing has increased, there has also been a debate about the number of independent contractors who are working in nonstandard work arrangements that reflect not only declining job quality standards experienced by low-wage workers but also jobs not subject to labor regulation. The 2017 Contingent Worker Supplement to the Current Population Survey found that the proportion of workers who were independent contractors had actually declined over the prior decade. Yet Eileen Appelbaum and Hye Jin Rho at the Center for Economic Policy Research and their co-author Arne Kalleberg at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill describe the limitations of this data: It surveys workers on their prior week of employment and focuses on their main job, so intermittent or secondary contingent work income would not be captured. While the degree of nonstandard work seems lower than previously believed, research does suggest that many traditionally employed workers are taking on independent contractor work or gig-based work as secondary sources of income. Understanding this work arrangement still remains an important and open question.

The advent of online platform-based gig work also may play a unique role in the organization of firms. Antonio Aloisi at the European University Institute describes how platform-based employment may not be so much a technological disruption to the production of goods and services as it is a disruption to traditional business models parallel to other phenomena in domestic outsourcing.

As the consequences of outsourcing are investigated, research also sheds light on the internal organization and dynamics of firms that may reflect the impacts of domestic outsourcing and a different social contract of work. Research on the impact of firms on income inequality by Adam Cobb at the University of Texas at Austin’s McComb School of Business finds that internal firm policies such as hiring, promotion, and compensation policies have effects on the aggregate societal level. The creation of value within firms has shifted, as technological advances and market deregulation have reduced the costs of domestic outsourcing.

Forthcoming research by UMass Amherst’s Dube, an Equitable Growth Research Advisory Board member, will explore the role of firms in wage setting, seeking to better understand the implicit and explicit rules that govern pay setting within companies and explore how these policies interact with market forces to shape the earnings distribution. Along similar lines, Equitable Growth grantee David Pedulla of Stanford University will examine the role firms may play in contributing to the gender and racial pay gaps.

Then, there’s the latest research on the so-called skills gap. The literature on the changing nature of work has often blamed declining wages and job quality in the United States on skill-biased technical change, or the supposed existence of a skills gap. This argument remains popular in policymaking, but it overlooks how the change of employment relationships, alongside the decline of unions and stagnant minimum wages, have led to the unequal U.S. labor market outcomes in today’s workplaces. In a recent Equitable Growth working paper, David Howell of the New School and UNC-Chapel Hill’s Kalleberg find that skill-biased technical change has failed to explain differences in wages within occupations. Indeed, they find that understanding polarization and declining job quality in the United States requires an examination of broad labor market conditions and institutions.

Changes in bargaining power because of the rise of firms’ monopsony power and the decline of protective labor institutions have facilitated the restructuring of employment relationships and the organization of U.S. workplaces, which, in turn, has led to higher wage inequality and worse labor outcomes for workers. Restoring bargaining power and pro-labor policies may help push back against the detrimental effects of workplace fissuring in the U.S. economy.

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New research shows California Paid Family Leave reduces poverty

The photo above is a partial representation of <em>Mother with child</em>—an oil on canvas work by Emilia Bayer, 2008.

The United States remains the only industrialized nation without a national paid leave program, despite evidence that these programs can benefit working parents and employers as well. In 2004, California became the first state to establish a publicly funded program for family leave. Eight states and the District of Columbia have since followed suit, and many private-sector employers offer their own paid leave programs, yet the vast majority of people in the United States today—including mothers with new children—do not have access to time off with pay during times of medical and caregiving need.

This broad lack of access to paid leave—and lack of access to leave for new mothers specifically—is in part because most family leave programs remain business-run, and therefore disproportionately benefit families with earners who have high education levels and wages. But there is promise for public programs to assist mothers who are left behind by private leave programs: Recent research concludes that between 2004 and 2013, the California Paid Family Leave program provided important support to mothers at the bottom of the income distribution who usually lack employer-provided leave.

Today, California’s paid leave program, CA-PFL, allows for six weeks of leave for workers who earned $300 in the previous year and have new children or sick family members, as well as up to 52 weeks for personal medical needs. It provides most claimants with 60 percent of their full-time wages, with a 70 percent level for low-income claimants, and job protection for workers in businesses with 20 or more employees. Approximately 50 percent of eligible new mothers made claims in 2017, and they were able to combine six weeks of caregiving leave with six weeks of medical leave, for a total of 12 weeks of leave.

Between 2004 and 2013, an older law was on the books and the program was both less generous and less used. During that time, the program provided only 55 percent of claimants’ previous full-time wages, but they were not guaranteed job security. The initial take-up rate was lower than today, with only 40 percent of eligible mothers making claims in 2004.

This earlier period is useful to study because data collected in this period reflects a paid leave program operating in a context in which claimants don’t need high levels of earnings to qualify, but they lack job protection. This data is ripe for exploring the question of how a paid leave program with these features affects the economic security of families.

In a paper recently published in Social Service Review, Alexandra Stanczyk—a researcher at Mathematica—explores just that. She assesses whether the California Paid Family Leave program improved household economic security for families directly following the birth of a new child. Since the changes associated with the birth of a child can strain a family’s economic security, this is a particularly important time to provide an economic boost to families. This line of inquiry connects to a larger question, about partial wage-replacement programs, that informs the federal policy conversation around paid leave: Does partial wage replacement actually improve a family’s economic security?

From one perspective, partial wage replacement could improve the economic security of a family by providing a subsidy for leave that would have otherwise been unpaid. This increase in household income could improve the long-term stability of a family’s finances and ease much of the tension created by the financial burden of a new child.

Alternatively, if workers who would have otherwise returned to work earlier take a longer leave period than they would have had they not had access to paid leave, then these program participants receive only half of their wages when they would have otherwise received full pay. This could lead to an overall decrease in a family’s annual household income. The lack of job protection during the study period also could negatively impact the labor force participation of mothers if employers lay off mothers who take up paid leave. Both mothers’ extended leaves and lay-offs could push low-income families across the poverty threshold.

Using American Community Survey data from 2000–2013, Stanczyk used a model that social scientists refer to as a “triple-difference model” because it draws three comparisons. Stanczyk looked at California mothers of 1-year-olds, compared to California mothers of older children and compared to mothers in other states, both before and after the state’s CA-PFL law was passed in 2004. She examined both poverty rates and household income of these mothers.

Stanczyk finds that between 2004 and 2013, the California paid leave program increased household income levels and lowered poverty rates for mothers of 1-year-olds.

First, she found that the program fosters an average $3,407 increase in income for mothers of 1-year-olds. These big effects, however, could reflect changes at the top end of the earnings distribution because they are average effects and could capture big earnings gains for people who were earning at high levels prior to giving birth. But in additional analyses, Stanczyk also finds good news specific to the bottom end of the income distribution: The introduction of paid leave in California is tied to a 10.2 percent decrease in risk of new mothers dropping below the poverty threshold and disproportionately helps women with lower levels of education and who are unmarried.

According to a study conducted by the Pew Research Center, U.S. adults overwhelmingly support national paid family leave, with 85 percent saying that workers should receive paid personal medical leave and 82 percent approving of paid leave for new mothers. The U.S. Congress is accordingly engaged in discussions about bipartisan legislation to institute a national paid family leave program. Within the past six months, there have been multiple bills for expanding paid leave introduced by each party, among them the Paid Family Leave Pilot Extension Act, the Working Families Flexibility Act of 2019, and the Federal Employee Paid Leave Act.

The 2019 FAMILY Act has by far the most traction in Congress. Introduced in the Senate by Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand (D-NY) and in the House of Representatives by Rep. Rosa DeLauro (D-CT), this bill would bring paid leave to new mothers in all U.S. states and territories. In some ways, it is more generous than the iteration of California’s paid leave that Stanczyk examined because it includes a higher wage-replacement rate of 66 percent of a claimant’s full-time wage. While job security is still not guaranteed in the proposed federal legislation, this proposed program could decrease the risk of poverty for the nation’s most vulnerable working mothers.

Still, the higher earnings requirements for the FAMILY Act, in comparison to those in CA-PFL, may make benefits less accessible to working mothers with very low incomes.

When weighing the pros and cons of the FAMILY Act and other paid leave proposals, federal policymakers should pay close attention to Stanczyk’s findings. With proper attention to the data, Congress could pass a bill with the power to keep the nation’s most vulnerable mothers out of poverty.

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Weekend reading: “Recession Ready?” edition

This is a post we publish each Friday with links to articles that touch on economic inequality and growth. The first section is a round-up of what Equitable Growth published this week and the second is relevant and interesting articles we’re highlighting from elsewhere. We won’t be the first to share these articles, but we hope by taking a look back at the whole week, we can put them in context.

Equitable Growth round-up

It’s well-established that there are significant income-based enrollment disparities in center-based childcare and early education in the United States. High costs and limited availability have long been understood to be fundamental reasons for this phenomenon. Cesar Perez describes new research by University of Wisconsin researchers showing that there is a third important cause of this disparity: unstable work schedules for low-income workers. Nonstandard schedules, including early morning, evening, overnight, and weekend hours, constrain the ability of workers to make arrangements for center-based childcare and education, and low-income workers are considerably more likely to have to contend with such schedules.

Take a look at Brad DeLong’s most recent worthy reads for this week, in which he provides his thoughts on content from Equitable Growth and elsewhere.

Links from around the web

The value of paid family leave goes well beyond a family’s bottom line, writes Benjamin Ryan in The Nation. He describes research showing the significant health benefits that families experience when they have the opportunity to take advantage of paid leave following the birth or adoption of a child. [nation]

With the appearance this week of the dreaded inverted yield curve in the U.S. bond market, which usually signals a recession somewhere down the road, Ryan Cooper in The Week reminds us that high economic inequality is likely making us more vulnerable to a downturn. Among other reasons, he notes that the wealthy spend a smaller fraction of their income. High inequality also means less business investment and, once families are hit by a recession, excessive borrowing. He also points out that a significant effect of the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017 was to “dump a giant pile of money on rich people with tax cuts, further exacerbating U.S. income inequality…” [theweek]

Speaking of inequality, in an age of persistently high economic inequality, writes The Atlantic’s Derek Thompson, work in high-cost metropolitan areas “catering to the whims of the wealthy—grooming them, stretching them, feeding them, driving them” is one of the fastest-growing industries. He notes that Equitable Growth Research Advisory Board member David Autor calls this “wealth work,” and he adds, “Perhaps the ultimate price of wealth work, for all of the opportunities for the low-skilled, is not only the threat of exploitation, but broader alienation.” [atlantic]

Research shows that adding a significant number of women to senior corporate leadership improves company performance. But Laura Forman at The Wall Street Journal writes that merely adding a token woman or two to a board of directors or to corporate management is not helpful. Firms with inadequate female representation in upper and middle management need to accelerate hiring plans to get the kind of critical mass that can improve revenues and profits. [wsj]

Carmen Heredia Rodriguez at Kaiser Health News describes the lack of serious competition for medication to treat snakebites. The poisonous competitive environment is due, at least in part, to the difficulty of gaining U.S. Food and Drug Administration approval for biosimilars. The prices charged for the two main current products, which are biologics, can only be described as painful. The two manufacturers feel no need to seriously compete on price. Until one or more biosimilars that match these drugs are approved by the FDA, the two current manufacturers will feel free to charge, essentially, whatever price they want. [npr]

Friday Figure

Figure is from Equitable Growth’s “Extensive nonstandard work hours among U.S. low-income mothers hinder their kids’ enrollment in center-based childcare,” by Cesar Perez.

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Brad DeLong: Worthy reads on equitable growth, August 9–15, 2019

Worthy reads from Equitable Growth:
 

  1. There is a strange gap: A discipline such as economics, which aims at achieving the greatest good for the greatest number, ought to have long ago focused on how costly inequality is for all—or almost all—of us. Heather Boushey’s forthcoming book, Unbound: How Inequality Constricts Our Economy and What We Can Do About It, expertly fills that gap. Others agree. “In Unbound, Heather Boushey presents the strongest documentation I have seen for the many ways in which inequality is harmful to economic growth. Anyone interested in just about any aspect of economic policy, from education to antitrust to macroeconomics, will learn something from this important book.”—Jason Furman … “A rising tide used to lift all boats, but decades of rising economic inequality and wage stagnation have changed that. In Unbound, Heather Boushey provides a clear and compelling analysis of the many ways income and wealth inequality limits our economic potential, drawing important lessons from cutting-edge economic research. An invaluable addition to current economic policy debates, Unbound is a must-read for those striving for inclusive economic growth.”—Kim Clausing … “Copies of this book should be mailed to every legislator in the country. It is a powerful summary of an enormous amount of the latest and best economics research on inequality, presented clearly and explained with accessible prose.”—Suresh Naidu.
  2. In his column, “Extensive nonstandard work hours among U.S. low-income mothers hinder their kids’ enrollment in center-based childcare,” Cesar Perez sends us to a paper by Alejandra Ros Pilarz, Ying-Chun Lin, and Katherine A. Magnuson, “Do Parental Work Hours and Nonstandard Schedules Explain Income-Based Gaps in Center-Based Early Care and Education Participation?,” in which they write: “Low-income children ages 0—5 years are less likely to be enrolled in center-based [Early Care and Education, or ECE] programs compared with higher-income children. Low-income working parents are also more likely to work jobs with nonstandard schedules, which are associated with lower rates of center-based ECE … Mothers’ work hours and schedules are predictive of 0—5-year-old children’s enrollment in center-based ECE, and accounting for mothers’ work hours and schedules significantly reduces income-based gaps in center-based ECE, particularly among infants and toddlers.”
  3. Read my blog post, “The Flight to Safety in Asset Markets Has Now Become a Thing in Itself…,” in which I write: “The market has now delivered 100 basis points of easing in the 10-year Treasury window since the end of last October. On the 30-year bond, you would have made a 20 percent profit if you both [bought] last October and sold it today, compared to a 3.5 percent profit on the S&P Composite over the same period. That is a major, major sentiment shift. That means that a number of people short debt with riskier operations than the S&P Composite are about to face margin calls and rollover difficulties. We will shortly see how solvent the market judges them. No, it is not yet August 2007. But it is much closer to August 2007 than I expected to see for another generation.”

 

Worthy reads not from Equitable Growth:

  1. The answer to the question “Is Trumponomics a failure?” is “Yes.” There is no large investment boom. There is no manufacturing recovery. There is no reduced trade deficit. There is increased inequality and corruption. Read Michael Rainey, “Is Trumponomics a Failure?,” in which he writes: “Trump’s two main economic policies—tax cuts and tariffs, both intended to boost manufacturing—have flopped. The tax cuts failed to produce a surge in business investment … the tariffs … are now dragging on the economy … No one is arguing that the economy is in ruins due to Trump’s policies … But Trump and Republicans promised that their economic plans would result in lasting, structural improvements, and those don’t appear to have materialized. [Paul] Krugman says … ‘Imagine how much better shape we’d be in if the hundreds of billions squandered on tax cuts … had been used to rebuild our crumbling infrastructure.”
  2. The argument that the supply of savings to fund private investment was elastic with respect to the after-tax interest rate was not economically respectable back in 2017, when it was made. The solid preponderance of evidence then was that the supply of savings was inelastic. And so it has proved. Read Hunter Blair, “It’s Not Trickling Down: New Data Provides No Evidence that the TCJA Is Working as Its Proponents Claimed It Would,” in which he writes: “The strongest economically respectable argument from proponents of the Trump administration’s Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (TCJA) was that … higher dividends incentivize households to save more, or attract more savings from abroad. The increased savings push down interest rates, so that it’s easier for corporations to borrow money to invest in new plants and equipment. And this new capital stock gives workers more and better tools to work with, boosting their productivity, and eventually that increased productivity should boost wages … We now have 18 months of data on investment since the passage of the TCJA, plenty of time for its increased incentives for private investment to have taken hold. But the data doesn’t come close to supporting the story told by TCJA proponents.”
  3. I would like to say that the very sharp Rana Foroohar is wrong here, that global recession probabilities are low. The problem is that we live in a world of multiple equilibria, and so—if enough people are now thinking like she is thinking—she may well be right. Read Rana Foroohar, “Braced for the Global Downturn,” in which she writes: “Well-meaning central bankers cannot offset the impact of an erratic U.S. president on the real economy … Last week’s market volatility… at heart, it’s about the inability of the Federal Reserve to convince us that its July rate cut was merely ‘insurance’… Any number of indicators now show … [that] the global downturn has already begun. Asset prices will undoubtedly begin to reflect this, and possibly quite soon.”
  4. Read Hailey Waller, “Economy at Riskiest Point in a Decade, Lawrence Summers Says,” in which she writes: “The [United States] and world economies are at their riskiest moment since the global financial crisis a decade ago as trade tensions continue to grow, former Treasury Secretary Lawrence Summers said on Sunday. Summers spoke on CNN’s ‘Fareed Zakaria GPS’ about what he called a ‘sadomasochistic and foolish trade conflict’ the [United States] has engaged with China under President Donald Trump. ‘We are losing very substantial amounts in terms of uncertainty, reduced investment, reduced job creation, for the sake of benefits that are very unlikely to be of substantial magnitude … I don’t think there’s any question that American workers are going to be poorer, American companies are going to be less profitable, and the American economy is going to be worse off because of the course we’re on.’”
  5. Tim Duy believes that the Federal Reserve will cut interest rates fast enough and far enough to avoid a recession, and that is the scenario driving the current inversion of the yield curve rather than a recession. After the recent declines in interest rates, I would give that only a 50-50 chance of being true. Equilibria are fragile, and multiple. At an equity P/E ratio of 20, a 100 basis-point fall in the very long bond rate should carry with it a 20 percent increase in equity value, holding risk-adjusted expected future cash flows constant. Yet the S&P Composite has not moved since late October. That is a hell of a large fall in risk-adjusted expected future cash flows. Read Tim Duy, “On Rising Recession Probabilities,” in which he writes: “My interpretation is that market participants have correctly anticipated the Fed’s reaction function with the expectation of substantial easing in the months ahead hence creating the inversion on the short end. This easing will be sufficient to derail impending recessionary threats. If the Fed’s easing was expected to be insufficient, I would expect that the ‘10s2s’ spread would be inverted. Consequently, at this point I still do not expect a recession in the near year. Under my baseline scenario, the Fed’s upcoming rates cuts will slightly steepen yield curve and the picture will look like 1995.”
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Extensive nonstandard work hours among U.S. low-income mothers hinder their kids’ enrollment in center-based childcare

Access to center-based childcare during nontraditional hours of operation is an issue for low-income mothers who work nonstandard hours.

Significant income-based disparities in kids’ enrollment in center-based early childcare and education persist in the United States. Two well-documented reasons are the high costs of this kind of care and the limited availability of childcare slots. Now, a group of researchers at the University of Wisconsin-Madison find there is a third factor that explains these disparities—low-income parents are more likely to work nonstandard schedules, including early morning, evening, overnight, and weekend hours, than their higher-income peers, which particularly constrains their ability to make arrangements for center-based early childcare and education.

Alejandra Ros Pilarz, Ying-Chun Lin, and Katherine A. Magnuson delve into this issue in their new study published in Social Service Review. They specifically examined whether mothers’ work hours and schedules explain income-based disparities in enrollment in center-based care between low- and high-income families. Using data from the National Survey of Early Care and Education, they find that the number of hours a mother works and whether she has a standard schedule are predictive of the childcare arrangements she uses. What’s more, they find that significant portions of the disparity in enrollment in center-based care between low- and high-income families can be explained by low-income mothers working fewer total hours and more nonstandard hours.

Concerns over disparities in center-based care and education are twofold. First, there is increasing evidence that when children attend center-based care, they enter school academically and socially ahead of their peers who did not attend, especially among low-income children. Secondly, research shows that center-based childcare better supports parents and the U.S. economy. The reason: Home-based care is both less reliable and more temporary than center-based care. Unexpected unavailability is more likely to come from a grandmother’s hospitalization, for example, than cancelation from a licensed day care center. Consequently, studies show that greater work absences caused by unstable home-based childcare are associated with mothers eventually leaving their jobs. So, it’s not surprising that center-based early childcare and education programs improve parents’ productivity, prospects for professional advancement, and ability to provide economic security, compared to home-based care.

Unfortunately, while center-based early childcare and education is important to all children, many miss out on its benefits. In their research, Pilarz, Lin, and Magnuson find that high-income households with children ages 0 to 2 are 15.6 percentage points more likely to enroll in center-based care than comparable low-income families. The gap is even larger for families with children ages 3 to 5: 23.1 percentage points. (See Figure 1.)

Figure 1

At the same time, low-wage parents are more likely to work nonstandard hours and fewer hours than they would like. Past research shows that low-wage workers are also significantly less likely to have control over their work schedules. Together, the research indicates that low-wage workers are forced to accept difficult and demanding schedules due to economic need. In line with the results of previous studies, the three University of Wisconsin-Madison researchers find significant differences in mothers’ work schedules by family income. (See Figure 2.)

Figure 2

These disparities raise a question: Do nonstandard work schedules limit low-income parents’ ability to enroll their children in center-based early childcare and education programs? If so, it may be the case that while these parents suffer from difficult work weeks, their children suffer from lower-quality care. In this way, economic hardships faced by low-income parents limit opportunities for younger generations within families, exacerbating income-based disparities in well-being and intergenerational mobility.

Currently, the existing literature suggests that several variables, including family demographics, household composition, and neighborhood characteristics, as well as childcare costs and availability, are strong predictors of childcare arrangements. Controlling for these factors, Pilarz, Lin, and Magnuson examine whether mothers’ work hours and schedules are predictive of childcare decisions and explain income-based disparities in enrollment in center-based care and education programs.

Perhaps their most compelling findings relate to children ages 0 to 2. Center-based care arrangements for children in this age range are comparatively scarce, and the research base on care arrangements for infants and toddlers is thin. Accordingly, looking at the mothers of infants and toddlers, the University of Wisconsin-Madison research team finds that even after accounting for income, mothers who work fewer total hours, more nonstandard hours, and/or a greater extent of their total hours during nonstandard times have significantly lower predicted probabilities of using center-based care. This means that while low-income mothers as a whole are disproportionately left out of center-based care simply due to financial constraints, those who work nonstandard schedules are even further disadvantaged. (See Figure 3.)

Figure 3

Nearly one-quarter of mothers who are part-time workers but do not work any nonstandard hours (the bar labeled 0 percent in Figure 3) place their children who are younger than 2 in center-based care. Part-time working mothers who work between 1 percent and 25 percent of their total hours during nonstandard times are less likely to place their children in center-based care—only 15 percent do so, and the proportion plummets further for part-time working mothers who work more than one-quarter of their hours during nonstandard times. For full-time workers, a similar declining trend emerges once mothers work more than one-quarter of their hours during nonstandard times.

Pilarz and her co-authors conclude that mothers’ work hours and schedules explain about one-third of the 15.6 percentage-point gap in center-based early childcare and education enrollment between low- and high-income families with children ages 0 to 2. For comparison, another one-third of the disparity can be explained by the combination of all of the controls used in the study. This means that mother’s work schedules explain as much about the disparity in access to center-based childcare as children’s personal and demographic characteristics, parent’s education and professional training, household size and employment, geographic location, and neighborhood poverty concentration combined. (See Figure 4).

Figure 4

The clear implication of these findings is that addressing income-based disparities in work schedules could increase the rate of enrollment in center-based early childcare and education among low-income families. This can be done by implementing fair work scheduling laws that strengthen low-wage workers’ control over their work hours and schedules. Such an approach would expand parents’ ability to access center-based childcare programs by minimizing underemployment and increasing the proportion of hours worked during standard times.

Specifically, so-called access-to-hours provisions can increase total hours worked and incomes by requiring employers to offer additional available hours to part-time workers before hiring additional employees. Furthermore, “right-to-request” provisions can reduce the percentage of hours worked during nonstandard times by protecting employees who request specific schedule arrangements from employer retaliation. The new research by Pilarz, Lin, and Magnuson suggests that these provisions, which empower working parents and incentivize low-wage employers to accommodate their employees’ family needs, could reduce disparities in center-based childcare enrollment between low- and high-income families.

States and localities have increasingly adopted such provisions. But despite progress in this policy area, the high consumer demand for a 24/7 service economy will most likely persist. Thus, it is reasonable to assume that low-wage parents will continue to work early morning, evening, overnight, and weekend hours, limiting their ability to enroll in current center-based care programs. Therefore, it may be just as important to increase support for low-income families in which parents work insufficient or nonstandard hours as it is to reduce the prevalence of such schedules.

One way to do this would be to increase access to center-based care during nonstandard hours. The Child Care for Working Families Act addresses this issue. The proposed legislation would incentivize and fund childcare during nontraditional hours of operation, in essence, expanding access to childcare for families who need it outside of the traditional 9:00 a.m.–5:00 p.m. workday. In this way, families who continue to work lower-quality schedules can still benefit from higher-quality childcare.

Future research by these and other researchers, much of which will likely employ more detailed data and precise variables on work-schedule quality, will enable further nuanced and specific interpretations of the effects of nonstandard, unstable, and unpredictable work schedules. Nevertheless, there is substantial evidence now for policymakers to act. Current income-based disparities in work schedules and childcare arrangements are limiting economic security for parents, development for children, and growth for the U.S. economy as a whole. State and local governments throughout the country are already leading the way, using research to inform evidence-based policy solutions. The federal government should follow suit.

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Weekend reading: “Global inequality” edition

This is a post we publish each Friday with links to articles that touch on economic inequality and growth. The first section is a round-up of what Equitable Growth published this week and the second is relevant and interesting articles we’re highlighting from elsewhere. We won’t be the first to share these articles, but we hope by taking a look back at the whole week, we can put them in context.

Equitable Growth round-up

In the most recent of our series of conversations with leading academic and policy thinkers, Equitable Growth President and CEO Heather Boushey sat down with University of California, Berkeley economist and Equitable Growth grantee Gabriel Zucman. His research focuses on global wealth, inequality, and tax havens. He is co-director of the World Inequality Database, which provides access to extensive data series on the world distribution of income and wealth. Zucman and Boushey discussed rising inequality in the United States and how it compares to that in other countries, the importance of measuring economic inequality, and the creation and usefulness of distributional national accounts.

The U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics on August 6 released the June data from the Job Openings and Labor Turnover Survey, or JOLTS. Kate Bahn and Will McGrew produced four graphs using the data, which show that the job market remains tight, with the potential for restoring some lost bargaining power for U.S. workers.

Brad DeLong has provided us with his latest worthy reads with his takes on content from Equitable Growth and around the web.

Links from around the web

“Yes, America Is Rigged Against Workers,” writes Steven Greenhouse in The New York Times. He says the United States suffers from “anti-worker exceptionalism” because it treats its workers worse than most advanced economies. The United States is the only advanced industrial nation that does not guarantee paid maternity leave. And it has the lowest minimum wage as a percentage of the median wage of any member nation of Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. While economists debate why this is the case, there is one reason they all agree on, he writes: Labor unions are weaker here than in other industrialized nations. [nyt]

The four most recent former chairs of the Federal Reserve Board of Governors, including Equitable Growth Steering Committee member Janet Yellen, wrote an op-ed in The Wall Street Journal reminding the country—and policymakers, in particular—of the importance of maintaining the independence of the Fed. They argued that the institution must be able to act “free of short-term political pressures and, in particular, without the threat of removal or demotion of Fed leaders for political reasons.” The former chairs, who collectively served in the position for nearly 40 years and were appointed and reappointed by six presidents of both parties, did not cite a reason for the timing of their column. [wsj]

A program in Seattle seeks to prove a critical finding of former Equitable Growth Steering Committee member Raj Chetty that growing up in the right neighborhood can make all the difference in life outcomes, writes Nicholas Kristof in The New York Times. The Seattle program, Creating Moves to Opportunity, provides vouchers for low-income families to move to better neighborhoods, plus a “housing navigator” and additional assistance in finding homes and getting settled. Kristof points to new research by Chetty showing that families are taking advantage of this opportunity, and the evidence from previous research by Chetty and others suggests that we will likely see significant benefits for their children in the years to come. [nyt]

In the wake of a court decision blocking the Obama administration’s proposed rule to substantially increase the number of workers eligible for overtime pay, several states are moving forward with proposals of their own to accomplish the same goal within their boundaries, reports Rachel Feintzeig in The Wall Street Journal. The U.S. Labor Department is developing a new national proposal that is substantially more modest than the Obama plan, she writes. [wsj]

Friday Figure

Figure is from Equitable Growth’s “JOLTS Day Graphs: June 2019 Report Edition,” by Kate Bahn and Will McGrew.

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