Brad DeLong: Worthy reads on equitable growth, July 12–18, 2019

Worthy reads from Equitable Growth:

 

  1. The most important worthy read this week is Fiona Scott Morton’s “Modern U.S. Antitrust Theory and Evidence Amid Rising Concerns Of Market Power and Its Effects: An Overview Of Recent Academic Literature,” in which she writes: “The experiment of enforcing the antitrust laws a little bit less each year has run for 40 years, and scholars are now in a position to assess the evidence. The accompanying interactive database of research papers for the first time assembles in one place the most recent economic literature bearing on antitrust enforcement … Horizontal mergers … Vertical mergers … Exclusionary conduct … Loyalty rebates … Most Favored Nation clause … Predation … Common ownership … Monopsony power … Macroeconomics and market power.”
  2. Watch Darrick Hamilton, “Racial and Gender Wage Gaps,” from this event on Capitol Hill, “Racial and Gender Wage Gaps: Overcoming Structural Barriers to Shared Growth.”
  3. Read Korin Davis, “Equitable Growth Launches Quarterly Working Paper Digest,” in which she notes: “The Equitable Growth Working Paper Digest provides descriptions of several highlighted working papers along with analysis by our staff of why they are significant and how they fit into the framework of Equitable Growth’s efforts.”
  4. And then read Kyle Herkenhoff, “The Case for More Internships and Apprenticeships in the United States,” in which he writes: “We estimate that learning from co-workers accounts for 24 percent of the aggregate U.S. human capital stock. Roughly 40 percent of a typical worker’s human capital is accumulated on the job, and of that human capital accumulation, 60 percent comes from learning the skills of co-workers. These benefits of learning from co-workers could be increased markedly.”

Worthy reads not from Equitable Growth:

 

  1. A healthy macroeconomy continues to be the best of all labor-side policies. Two centuries of bitter experience have taught us that the macroeconomy can only stay healthy if it is planned—and properly planned. Not least among the necessary planning institutions for the macroeconomy is the central bank. And two centuries of bitter experience have taught us that the central bank has a very delicate task, one that can only be successfully accomplished if it is staffed by highly competent and good-hearted people. Here, we have the American Enterprise Institute raising the alarm with respect to the chaos-monkey nature of President Donald Trump’s Federal Reserve nominations. Read Desmond Lachlan, “Trump’s bizarre Federal Reserve nomination,” in which he writes: “Among President Trump’s more bizarre nominations for office has to be his nomination of Judy Shelton … Shelton manages to hold two contradictory views of monetary policy at the same time … Normally a person would be in favor of either an easy monetary policy to stimulate the economy or a hard monetary policy to exert discipline on the government … One would not expect her to hold both views at the same time. Yet Ms. Shelton does exactly that.”
  2. The past decade of bitter experience has taught us that monetary policy cannot do the entire job on its own: A healthy macroeconomy requires planning, and some of that planning must be on the fiscal policy side. And the evidence that expansionary fiscal policy is a very effective tool to cure a depressed economy, and cure it with minimal blowback costs of any kind, continues to mount. Read Jérémie Cohen-Setton, Egor Gornostay, and Colombe Ladreit de Lacharrière, “Aggregate Effects of Budget Stimulus: Evidence from the Large Fiscal Expansions Database,” in which they write: “This paper estimates the effects of fiscal stimulus on economic activity using a novel database on large fiscal expansions for 17 OECD countries for the period 1960–2006. The database is constructed by combining the statistical approach to identifying large shifts in fiscal policy with narrative evidence from contemporaneous policy documents. When correctly identified, large fiscal stimulus packages are found to have strong and persistent expansionary effects on economic activity, with a multiplier of 1 or above. The effects of stimulus are largest in slumps and smallest in booms.”
  3. Very wise. There is no reason for the U.S. Senate to do anything but neglect the Federal Reserve, and the Fed will be stronger at the start of 2021 if it is neglected. Read Josh Barro, “There’s No Need for the Senate to Confirm Anyone to the Fed,” in which he writes: “Trump … says he will nominate Judy Shelton and Christopher Waller to … fill out the board … Moore and Cain were bizarre … Waller seems like a fine enough choice … Shelton … like Cain and Moore before her has traded in a long track record of hawkish gold-buggery for a new, dovish outlook that calls for the low interest rates President Trump wants … Shelton’s flip-flop is, if anything, more egregious than Moore’s and Cain’s, because monetary policy is supposed to be an actual area of expertise for her … Conservatives in the Senate have reasons to take a long view … So long as Trump is the person making nominations, there’s no reason to aim for seven.”
  4. Market forces are voting, strongly, for green energy. Read Alwyn Scott, “General Electric to Scrap California Power Plant 20 Years Early,” in which he reports: “General Electric Co. said on Friday it plans to demolish a large power plant it owns in California this year after only one-third of its useful life because the plant is no longer economically viable in a state where wind and solar supply a growing share of inexpensive electricity. The 750-megawatt natural-gas-fired plant, known as the Inland Empire Energy Center, uses two of GE’s H-Class turbines, developed only in the last decade, before the company’s successor gas turbine, the flagship HA model, which uses different technology. The closure illustrates stiff competition in the deregulated energy market as cheap wind and solar supply more electricity, squeezing out fossil fuels.”

 

 

Equitable Growth launches quarterly Working Paper Digest

The Washington Center for Equitable Growth today launched a new quarterly newsletter, the Equitable Growth Working Paper Digest, dedicated to informing readers about several of the working papers we’ve released on our website over the previous three months.

Equitable Growth’s Working Paper Series has been going strong for more than three years. We’ve released nearly 100 of these works-in-progress. They comprise a diverse, comprehensive, and ever-growing collection of original research by our grantees and other scholars highlighting the connections between inequality and economic growth. By posting this work, Equitable Growth seeks to promote broader discussion of these issues and generate feedback for the researchers from the academic community as they prepare their research for final publication. We also hope to provide a resource for policymakers who seek to develop and implement evidence-based policies on issues related to economic inequality.

The Equitable Growth Working Paper Digest provides descriptions of several highlighted working papers along with analysis by our staff of why they are significant and how they fit into the framework of Equitable Growth’s efforts. The inaugural issue covers the following papers:

The Equitable Growth Working Paper Digest is the best way to stay informed about the working papers that Equitable Growth has published. If you wish to subscribe, please click here.

U.S. women’s national soccer team wins its fourth World Cup. Is pay equity really close behind?

Megan Rapinoe holds the Women’s World Cup trophy as the U.S. women’s soccer team is celebrated with a parade along the Canyon of Heroes, Wednesday, July 10, 2019, in New York.

Tens of millions of people around the world turned to their TVs earlier this month to watch the U.S. women’s national soccer team win its fourth World Cup and second consecutive championship since the 2015 tournament. After the momentous victory, spectators in the stadium began chanting “Equal Pay!”

The victory and the spontaneous chant cascading across Parc Olympique Lyonnais sparked many conversations about gender pay equity in national sports. While the women’s soccer team has won four of the eight World Cup championships, the players still earn less than 40 percent of what their male counterparts make. Not surprisingly, all 28 members of the women’s team filed a lawsuit in March against the U.S. Soccer Federation—the body that oversees both men’s and women’s soccer in the United States and manages the national teams—stating that the federation fails to adhere to its mission of gender equality. In 2016, five members of the U.S. women’s national team, three of whom are currently on the national team, filed a similar lawsuit addressing the gender pay inequality present in the federation.

In the current lawsuit, here’s how the players explained the breakdown of pay per friendly (nontournament exhibition game) victory:

A comparison of the WNT [Women’s National Team] and MNT [Men’s National Team] pay shows that if each team played 20 friendlies in a year and each team won all 20 friendlies, female WNT players would earn a maximum of $99,000 or $4,950 per game, while similarly situated male MNT players would earn an average of $263,320 or $13,166 per game against the various levels of competition they would face. A 20-game winning top tier WNT player would earn only 38% of the compensation of a similarly situated MNT player.

This data belies the views of many critics who believe the women’s team does not deserve equal pay, and who often cite metric differences such as wins, viewership, and revenue as justification for the women’s current salaries. Yet a simple glance at these metrics over the past few seasons reveals that the women have surpassed the thresholds established by the men on multiple occasions. Since the inaugural women’s World Cup competition in 1991, the U.S. women’s team has won half of all the championships, and earned third place three times and second place once. In comparison, the highest the U.S. men’s team has ranked was during the inaugural FIFA World Cup in 1930, where it placed third in the competition.

Earlier this month, the women’s final game was viewed by 17.8 million people around the world on Fox Sports across multiple platforms, a solid 18 percent increase in viewership from the men’s World Cup final in 2018. The 2015 women’s World Cup final game still holds the record for most-watched soccer match in history. Between 2016 and 2018, the women’s national team brought in $50.8 million in revenue from games and events alone, while the men’s team generated $49.9 million. Outside of viewership data, athletics gear companies such as Nike, Inc. announced that the U.S. women’s team jersey is the highest-selling soccer jersey in history, including jerseys on the men’s team.

The revenue gap between the men’s and women’s team continues to narrow, yet the pay gap persists. Pay equity in sports reflects the larger reality that women generate significant economic activity but are often not paid equal to the value they create. Women today earn an average of 80.5 percent of what men earn for full-time, year-round workers. Across the U.S. labor market, factors such as experience, race, and choice of occupation and education all contribute to explanations about pay disparities. Within the same profession, such as professional athletes, regardless of race and education, women continue to earn less than men. Critics of equal pay in sports often say that women don’t perform at the same caliber of men, yet the case of soccer makes it clear that even when it’s undeniable that women outperform men, staggering differences in their pay remain.

Research across the social sciences demonstrate that pay is determined by more than simple economics models of human capital and marginal revenue productivity, where it’s predicted that workers will earn exactly equal to the revenue they contribute to the production process. Discrimination in pay is rampant, particular for women of color. Social forces influence what is considered appropriate pay for women and men, with research showing that the gender associated with a profession influences average levels of pay regardless of skills required, so historically pay has declined as more women enter a profession. The reverse is true for men entering a profession. In sum, overt and structural sexism play a role, and reversing gender pay disparity will result in broadly shared growth across the economy.

It is in the U.S. Soccer Federation’s best interest to establish gender pay equity. Establishing equal pay in sports for the women’s and men’s teams can benefit both women and men. Research examining the global fight for gender equality played a determining role in establishing women’s teams’ successes. The implementation of Title IX in college athletics in the United States has been credited for the widespread improvement of women’s soccer teams around the world and especially in the United States. Additional research on gender equality in soccer shows that countries with more gender equity across society and the economy see improvements in both teams’ performances and successes.

If the U.S. Soccer Federation institutes equal pay between the two teams, the new victories on both teams can potentially attract larger audiences and ticket sales, thus boosting revenue for the profession. Will the lawsuit by the women’s team—which is now awaiting mediation after the women’s victory tour ends—help propel this decision forward? It’s obviously difficult to predict whether the women will win pay equity in the near future, yet their undeniably thrilling victory has sparked cries of equal pay for superior work beyond the soccer community.

With allies in Congress rallying for equal pay, the women’s team victory tour around the nation now in train, and the return of many of the team members to their professional clubs, the pressure on the U.S. Soccer Federation to settle the case early will only continue to mount. Certainly an early, amicable resolution of the lawsuit would inspire more young women to pursue athletics and win, both on and off the field.

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Congressional panel investigates the market power of the ‘Big Four’ online platforms

Representatives from the “Big Four” online platform companies—Amazon.com Inc., Apple Inc., Facebook.com Inc., and Alphabet Inc.’s Google unit—are scheduled to testify on July 16 before the House Judiciary Committee’s antitrust subcommittee about competition in online markets, amid heightened U.S. congressional and regulatory scrutiny of increased concentration in this key digital economic arena. A second panel, composed of experts including Equitable Growth grantee Fiona Scott Morton, will provide their views on online competition.

Google, Facebook, Amazon, and Apple have faced varying degrees of growing and wide-ranging criticism about their business practices. The upcoming hearing—the second in the antitrust subcommittee’s investigation into high-tech companies—will focus on innovation and entrepreneurship.

The role that large online companies play in fostering or blocking innovation and entrepreneurship merits serious examination. A growing body of literature finds related broader trends in the U.S. economy: Some studies document the decline in business start-ups and venture capital funding in high-tech industries. This hearing will provide an opportunity to explore the causes of these trends.

Scott Morton, who is the Theodore Nierenberg Professor of Economics at Yale University, recently collated much of the recent research in this area into an interactive database and analysis for Equitable Growth. Her database includes key papers on these trends, both overall and specifically in technology industries, that members of Congress and committee staff may find helpful. Among them are:

These and many other papers can be searched for and accessed at Equitable Growth’s interactive database.

The open question is the cause of those trends. The four companies testifying operate in different ways. Google and Facebook earn revenue through advertising; they compete for people’s attention by offering services they value in order to maximize the opportunity to sell ads. Apple has a very different model: It sells products (smartphones, tablets, etc.), as well as services such as Apple Music that operate on those products, ideally giving consumers sufficient confidence in their unique qualities to purchase them. In many ways, Amazon looks more like a hybrid. It sells its own products and services (like Kindles and video streaming), similar to a traditional retailer, and also operates a marketplace that connects third-party sellers with customers, where it also competes with some of those sellers.

An issue that cuts across all four companies is whether such platforms can stifle, or are stifling, innovation and entrepreneurship. If an internet platform, having reached the top of the economic success ladder, can pull the ladder up behind it, a serious threat to competition exists. In contrast, if an internet platform’s position is tenuous and can be maintained only by providing ever-increasing value, rivals are more likely to be able to succeed. Ease of entry means there is unlikely to be a competitive problem.

Therefore, a key focus of this hearing should be what economists call “barriers to entry” and whether a platform’s growing dominance allows it to raise those barriers. Barriers to entry are costs that a new entrant faces to enter a market and compete successfully. These can be inherent in the business (such as the need to build an expensive factory) or created by the incumbent exactly to keep out the entrant (such as an exclusive contract). For an internet firm, inherent entry barriers can include the need to acquire significant data, to have access to a platform, to overcome consumers’ tendencies to focus on only the first few results of an online search or to simply accept a site’s default settings.

Recently, multiple reports have concluded not only that such barriers exist but also that a dominant platform can intentionally raise them. An expert panel, led by Equitable Growth Steering Committee member Jason Furman of the Harvard Kennedy School, produced “Unlocking digital competition” for the United Kingdom. The European Commission released “Competition Policy in the Digital Era,” and a group of scholars led by Scott Morton produced a report on digital platforms for the Stigler Center.

The common theme among these reports is that internet markets tend to be winner-take-all (also referred to as a market subject to tipping), which means that, after a period of fierce competition, one company becomes the dominant player. Competition mainly occurs in the initial phase. Of course, that “initial” competition is re-ignited when new paradigms arise and new markets open. For example, multiple companies today are working on innovation in home pods and artificial intelligence. Because competition occurs only periodically, it is critical to protect new competitors and potential competition.

As the Stigler Center report explains, once a platform wins a market, it has an incentive to make it as difficult as possible for a new challenger to arise. It can acquire potential new entrants. Or it can use its data from other services to make its product better than the entrant’s and crush the innovator before it is sustainable. Or it can condition access to its platform in ways that prevent a new company from developing into a threat. In short, the very strategy of a dominant platform would be to stifle entrepreneurship and innovation.

Skeptics of these concerns see a different competitive dynamic and argue that these concerns are transitory. At this moment, a given platform may seem unassailable and entry barriers may seem high, but the technology landscape is always in flux. IBM, Microsoft, AOL, and Yahoo all once seemed invincible, possessing monopolies with seemingly strong entry barriers, but each fell from its perch—and relatively quickly. In the skeptics’ view, today’s dominant firms can maintain their position only by continuing to offer better products and services.

The House hearing sets the stage for a debate over the necessity of increased antitrust enforcement and regulation in the technology field. By focusing on whether a dominant firm can raise entry barriers to future competition, Congress can help answer the question of how successful internet companies affect innovation and entrepreneurship.

Weekend Reading: “Equal Pay for Better Work” edition

This is a weekly post we publish on Fridays with links to articles that touch on economic inequality and growth. The first section is a round-up of what Equitable Growth published this week, and the second is the work we’re highlighting from elsewhere. We won’t be the first to share these articles, but we hope by taking a look back at the whole week, we can put them in context.

Equitable Growth round-up

Hourly wages among U.S. workers vary enormously by gender, race, and education level. In order to address and identify these variances, we updated our wage comparison tool, which was originally published by former Equitable Growth Research Director John Schmitt and former Analyst Kavya Vaghul, along with our Computational Social Scientist Austin Clemens. This interactive tool provides a way to see just how much wages vary within and across demographic groups. The data behind this interactive are derived from the Center for Economic and Policy Research extracts of the Current Population Survey Outgoing Rotation Group.

The Congressional Budget Office score forecasting significant job losses from a minimum wage increase relies too heavily on old research and not sufficiently on new studies. Recent research makes clear that badly needed increases in the minimum wage can produce substantial wage hikes for workers without significant job loss. This op-ed by Director of Labor Market Policy and economist Kate Bahn puts into context the anticipated CBO scoring of the minimum wage legislation currently being considered in the U.S. House of Representatives. Bahn and Research Assistant Will McGrew also compiled this factsheet, which contextualizes the CBO report in light of the cutting-edge econometric research on minimum wage increases from economists and other scholars in Equitable Growth’s network.

In light of the recent introduction of the “Raise the Wage Act,” Creative Director Dave Evans , along with former Equitable Growth economist Ben Zipperer and Research Assistant Will McGrew updated their analysis on the minimum-to-median wage ratios across states. They provide an interactive graphic that demonstrates that most states had much stronger minimum wages more than 30 years ago than they do today. They conclude that a federal $15 minimum wage would benefit a majority of the states.

Last Friday, the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics released new data on the U.S. labor market during the month of June. Kate Bahn and I compiled five graphs highlighting important trends in the data.

The U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics earlier this week released the newest data from the Job Openings and Labor Turnover Survey covering the month of May. Kate Bahn and I put together four graphs utilizing JOLTS data.

In the latest installment of Equitable Growth’s In Conversation series, Equitable Growth President and CEO Heather Boushey speaks with economist Leemore Dafny, the Bruce V. Rauner Professor of Business Administration at the Harvard Business School and the Kennedy School of Government. They discussed health insurance exchanges established under the Affordable Care Act and how antitrust enforcement in the health insurance industry can regulate mergers, preventing rising costs and limiting potential harm to consumers.

Heather Boushey dives into the role economist Arthur Laffer, who was recently awarded the Presidential Medal of Freedom, played in promoting supply-side economics. Laffer introduced the country to the idea that tax cuts would lead to such large-scale investments and economic growth that in the end, they basically would pay for themselves. However, this theory is not supported by credible research or evidence, as Boushey points out.

Austin Clemens reports that new estimates of U.S. economic growth released by the University of California, Berkeley’s Gabriel Zucman and Emmanuel Saez tell us, for the first time, how growth was distributed in the United States between wealthy and low-income households in 2015 and 2016. Low-income households in the lowest quintile of income-earners suffered an especially poor year in 2016 and saw their incomes decline by more than 3 percent as a group. While the share of total economic income held by the top 10 percent dropped slightly between 2014 and 2016, from 39.2 percent to 38.4 percent, it still maintains a disproportionately large share of economic growth.

Brad DeLong compiles his most recent worthy reads on equitable growth over the past two weeks, both from Equitable Growth staffers and outside press and academics.

Links from around the web

This month marks a record-breaking stretch of economic expansion, as the U.S. economy has experienced 121 months of continuous growth. Hispanic women between the ages of 25 and 54 saw employment rates increase by 2.2 percentage points since 2007, while African American women saw a growth of 1.6 percentage points within the same time frame. While this growth is encouraging, the aggregate growth has been concentrated among the wealthiest Americans, who happen to be white men. [nyt]

This week, the Trump administration ended its fight to add a citizenship question to the 2020 Census. Critics argued that adding such a question would result in massive underreporting among permanent residents and visa-holders, who may be fearful of ICE targeting them for their immigration status. The administration still wants to collect citizenship data and, as such, President Donald Trump issued an executive order mandating the U.S. Department of Commerce to obtain citizenship data through other means. [cnn]

This week, the Congressional Budget Office estimated that raising the federal minimum wage to $15 would lift the incomes of 27.3 million workers but eventually lead to 1.3 million lost jobs. Andrew Van Dam reports that while the CBO report headline credits a $15 minimum wage to the tremendous potential job loss, the estimates actually say that an increased minimum wage can result in a range of no major job loss up to 1.3 million jobs lost. Economic Policy Institute economist and former Equitable Growth economist Ben Zipperer said that the low-job-loss scenario indicates that raising the minimum wage may not be as dangerous as academics once thought. [wapo]

The Trump administration recently dropped their plan to limit industry rebates that pharmaceutical manufacturers give to pharmacy benefit managers, or PBMs, in Medicare. This plan would have restricted the deals made between pharma and the PBMs for Medicare and Medicaid plans, thus preventing the PBMs from taking a large profit at the expense of America’s most vulnerable patients. [wsj]

Earlier this week, a federal judge blocked a Trump administration proposal that would require pharmaceutical companies to reveal the sticker prices of their prescription drugs on TV ads if the price is above $35. Transparency of drug pricing would heavily benefit older patients, who often struggle to obtain accurate information of their medical costs. However, many drugmakers sued the Trump administration for violating their free speech rights, and in the end, the judge ruled in their favor. [npr]

Friday Figure

Source: “JOLTS Day Graphs: May 2019 Report Edition

Brad DeLong: Worthy reads on equitable growth, July 4–11, 2019

Worthy reads from Equitable Growth:

  1. Equitable Growth earlier this week convened an event, “Racial and Gender Wage Gaps: Overcoming Structural Barriers to Shared Growth,” that was very much worth attending. In case you missed it, you can find some highlights here. The event featured “a conversation on wage gaps for women and people of color, and what we can do about it. Wage stagnation and falling economic mobility are endemic economic problems in the United States. Their effects fall most severely on communities of color and women, who also face large wage gaps compared with white men. Key to solving wage stagnation and overall income inequality is a recognition that deeply ingrained structural forces keep many Americans from sharing in economic prosperity. This event will feature research and discussion from policy experts on the wage gaps in U.S. society.”
  2. Equitable Growth Executive Director Heather Boushey had a “fun chat” on Monday with David Beckworth about their work together on a new book, Recession Ready: Fiscal Policies to Stabilize the American Economy.
  3. Boushey also appeared in this piece by PBS Newshour, “Amid Long Economic Expansion, Why so Many Americans Are Still Struggling,” in which she explained: “We need to understand and do more to address the ways that inequality obstructs, subverts, and distorts the processes that lead to growth …. Reams of … evidence … that investments in early childhood are some of the most important … We’re not making the investments that our economic competitors are in early childhood … We’re not making those investments because we haven’t created the tax revenue to do that.”
  4. It was the philosopher Santayana who wrote that those who do not remember history are condemned to repeat it. Unfortunately, the rest of us are condemned to repeat it alongside them. Thus, it is very, very important that we stamp out those who do not remember history. How? By educating them. The piece of history we need to remember as we approach the next recession, whenever it starts, is that there never was any evidence that austerity is good or necessary during the bust. Read my “Risks of Debt: The Real Flaw in Reinhart-Rogoff,” in which I write: “Economists … don’t watch just quantities … but prices. And the prices of government debt are the rate of inflation, the nominal interest rate, and the level of the stock market as people trade bonds for commodities, bonds for cash, and bonds for stocks. And all three of these prices are flashing green: saying that markets would prefer and it would be better for the economy if government debt were growing at a faster pace than under current forecasts … The principal mistake Reinhart and Rogoff committed in their analysis and paper—indeed, the only significant mistake in the paper itself—was their use of the word ‘threshold.’”

Worthy reads not from Equitable Growth:

  1. Central banks may remain independent if they manage economies in a way that produces a modicum of stability and prosperity. If they fail to do so—if their management produces instability and poverty—I can guarantee you that they will not remain independent. Read Barry Eichengreen, “Unconventional Thinking about Unconventional Monetary Policies,” in which he writes: “Defenders of central-bank independence argue that quantitative easing should have been avoided last time and is best avoided in the future because it opens the door to political interference with the conduct of monetary policy. But political interference is even likelier if central banks shun QE in the next recession.”
  2. From the past, and worth highlighting. Why? Because when the next recession comes, the usual suspects will, once again, start claiming that they should not do anything to shorten or cushion it. And the usual suspects will, once again, be wrong. Read Paul Krugman’s 2008 piece, “Hangover Theorists,” in which he writes: “Somehow I missed this: via Steve Levitt, John Cochrane explaining that recessions are ‘good’ for you … The basic idea is that a recession, even a depression, is somehow a necessary thing, part of the process of ‘adapting the structure of production.’ We have to get those people who were pounding nails in Nevada into other places and occupations, which is why unemployment has to be high in the housing bubble states for a while. The trouble … is twofold: 1. It doesn’t explain why there isn’t mass unemployment when bubbles are growing as well as shrinking—why didn’t we need high unemployment elsewhere to get those people into the nail-pounding-in-Nevada business? 2. It doesn’t explain why recessions reduce unemployment across the board, not just in industries that were bloated by a bubble … The current slump is affecting some non-housing-bubble states as or more severely as the epicenters of the bubble … Unemployment is up everywhere. And while the centers of the bubble, Florida and California, are high in the rankings, so are Georgia, Alabama, and the Carolinas. So the liquidationists are still with us. According to Brad DeLong, ‘Milton Friedman would recall that at the Chicago where he went to graduate school such dangerous nonsense was not taught…’ But now, apparently, it is.”
  3. Why does our economic system work as well as it does, and why is it as intelligent as it is? This is a deep question in need of much more thought. Michael Jordan thinks it noteworthy that the human brain is not the only system that looks capable of “intelligent behavior.” I wonder if the things that have made our economy appear intelligent in the past may disappear in the future. Read Jordan’s “Dr. AI or: How I Learned to Stop Worrying and Love Economics,” in which he writes: “I view the scientific study of the brain as one of the grandest challenges that science has ever undertaken, and the accompanying engineering discipline of ‘human-imitative AI’ as equally grand and worthy … [But] what else is intelligent on Earth? Perhaps the Martians will notice that in any given city on Earth, most every restaurant has at hand every ingredient it needs for every dish that it offers, day in and day out. They may also realize that, as in the case of neurons and brains, the essential ingredients underlying this capability are local decisions being made by small entities that each possess only a small sliver of the information being processed by the overall system … This system is intelligent by any reasonable definition—it is adaptive (it works rain or shine), it is robust, it works at small scale and large scale, and it has been working for thousands of years … The Martians may be happy to conceive of this system as an ‘entity’—just as much as a collection of neurons is an ‘entity.’ Am I arguing that we should simply bring in microeconomics in place of computer science? And praise markets as the way forward for AI? No, I am instead arguing that we should bring microeconomics in as a first-class citizen into the blend of computer science and statistics that is currently being called ‘AI.’ This blend was hinted at in my discussion piece; let me now elaborate.”

 

Research Shows: Raising the Minimum Wage Does Not Spell Job Loss

(This opinion piece first appeared in Morning Consult on July 9, 2019)

Policymakers opposed to raising the federal minimum wage above $7.25 per hour have long argued it would lead to significant job losses. Some of those same opponents will now likely use a new Congressional Budget Office (CBO) analysis of the proposed minimum wage legislation currently before Congress to argue against passing it.

Their claims — and to a large degree, CBO’s analysis — are rooted in flawed theoretical foundations and outdated research. Sophisticated research methods from multiple studies show no job losses, or virtually none, result from raising the minimum wage. These studies also draw from previously unavailable empirical methods, which CBO did not fully account for in its own analysis.

How long has it been since we last increased the minimum wage? Nearly a decade, which is the longest interval without an increase since the minimum wage was created more than 80 years ago.

Despite Congress’ inaction, 24 states and the District of Columbia have increased their minimum wage since 2009, when the last federal increase occurred. This has provided an opportunity for researchers to conduct modern, sophisticated empirical analyses to determine the specific impact of these increases on wages, incomes over time and employment. Specifically, researchers have compared individuals over time in states, cities and counties that have increased their minimum wage to those who have not been exposed to a minimum wage increase. Now we can move past guesses about how individuals or businesses might react to policy changes and observe how they actually behave.

In the largest and perhaps most important recent study in 2018, researchers examined six U.S. cities, all of which have minimum wage levels above $10 per hour. The study, which focuses on the food industry because of its high proportion of minimum-wage or near-minimum wage workers, found that low-income workers’ earnings rose significantly following an increase in the minimum wage. In those cities, they observed between a 0.3 percent decrease to a 1.1 percent increase in food industry jobs. This stands in contrast to the CBO finding that raising the minimum wage to $15 per hour would cost 1.3 million jobs.

In other words, the research finds there is quite a bit of room for wages to rise without causing significant job losses. One reason for this may be monopsony power, where wages are suppressed to a lower level than the value workers contribute, and which employers are able to exploit throughout much of the U.S. economy. Perhaps in part because of this, workers over the past few decades have been receiving a smaller and smaller share of national income. In the case of monopsony, statutorily increased wages correct for a lack of competition.

Another reason is the long economic recovery with the still-tightening labor market — though unemployment remains historically low and corporate profits are high, wages have not kept pace as economists would expect at this point in the recovery. One thing is clear: Businesses can well afford to pay their workers higher wages.

The CBO report confirms that an increase to $15 per hour would raise wages for 27 million workers. Even with the too-high estimate of job losses, the positive effect of boosting wages overpowers any negative effect from job losses for poor households. CBO confirms that families below the poverty line would see a 5.3 increase in income, lifting 1.3 million families out of poverty.

In general, the mere fact of job losses does not disqualify a minimum-wage increase from being a good policy for workers and the economy. Congress needs to balance the overall impact on earnings and family well-being against any effect on jobs. As economist David Howell has written, policymakers must consider all the benefits of a higher minimum wage — not only the increased income for workers and families, but also lower turnover, which leads to higher productivity, for example — with the possible costs. Especially in today’s tight labor market, there is a long way to go before any increase is likely to be accompanied by meaningful job losses.

Low-wage workers deserve to earn a living wage that enables them to support their families. Raising the federal minimum wage would not only help the economic recovery to continue, it would also help address systemic economic inequality at levels not seen since the 1920s. A significant minimum wage increase is past due.

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Interactive: Comparing wages within and across demographic groups in the United States

This post originally published Aug. 23, 2016. It was updated July 9, 2019 to incorporate new data.

Hourly wages among U.S. workers vary enormously by gender, race, and education level. This simple interactive tool provides a way to see just how much wages vary within and across demographic groups.

The interactive begins by displaying the 10th, 50th, and 90th percentile hourly wages for people of any gender, race or ethnicity, and education level. The 10th percentile worker is a relatively low-wage worker, who earns more than 10 percent of all workers, but less than 90 percent of all workers. The 50th percentile (or median) worker is the worker right in the middle of all earners, making more than the bottom half of all workers and less than the top half of all workers. The 90th percentile worker is a relatively well-paid worker, who earns more than 90 percent of the workforce, but less than the top 10 percent. Over the period 2013-2016, the 10th percentile worker earned $9.11 per hour, the median-wage workers earned $18.22 per hour, and the 90th percentile worker earned $43.87 per hour (all wage rates have been adjusted for inflation and expressed in 2016 dollars).

Average Wages by Demographics
An interactive look at how wages vary within and between demographic groups
Use the dropdown menus to create a demographic group of your choice, and hit the add button to load it into the interactive. By clicking download image, you can save a shareable graphic.
Gender
Race/Ethnicity
Education level

To see how a certain group fares in comparison to all workers, use the dropdown menus to select a gender (all, women, men), race or ethnicity (African American, Asian, Latino, or white), and an education level (less than high school, high school, some college, four-year college degree, advanced degree) and hit the add button to display the data for this group. The interactive can create many different groups by selecting different demographic combinations and hitting add after forming each one.

To compare the earnings of white men with college degrees to Latina women with college degrees, for example, use the dropdown menus to create and add each group. The result: the lowest-paid white men with college diplomas earn $14.12 per hour, which is about 39 percent more than the $10.14 earned by Latina women with a four-year college degree. At the median, white men with a college degree make $30.00 per hour, or approximately 48 percent more than the $20.28 earned by the median college-educated Latina women. For the best paid workers in both groups—those at the 90th percentile—the pay gap is 59 percent, with white, male college graduates receiving $67.90 per hour, compared to $42.61 garnered by top-earning Latina women with college degrees.

To call out an interesting row in any group of comparisons, hover over the row and the option to highlight that row will appear to change its color. Tapping highlight again returns the row to its original color. To remove a row, the hover function also provides the option to delete a group from the chart.

To begin building a new chart from scratch, hit the red start over button

After you’ve created the comparisons, tap the download image button at the top of the interactive to save the chart, and, then, feel free to share it with the world.

Methodology

The data behind this interactive are derived from the Center for Economic and Policy Research extracts of the Current Population Survey Outgoing Rotation Group. To reduce problems with small samples, we pooled together the 2013, 2014, 2015, and 2016 CPS survey results. We limited our sample to working-age persons (between the ages of 16 to 64). Finally, our estimates of the 10th, 50th (median), and 90th percentile hourly wage are expressed in 2016 dollars and include earnings from overtime, tips, bonuses, and commissions.

JOLTS Day Graphs: May 2019 Report Edition

Every month the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics releases data on hiring, firing, and other labor market flows from the Job Openings and Labor Turnover Survey, better known as JOLTS. Today, the BLS released the latest data for May 2019. This report doesn’t get as much attention as the monthly Employment Situation Report, but it contains useful information about the state of the U.S. labor market. Below are a few key graphs using data from the report.

1.

The ratio of unemployed workers to job openings remains less than one, with a low level unemployment potentially lending more bargaining power to workers seeking new jobs.

2.

Hires declined by 266,000 in May, reflecting the lower level of payroll employment growth in the May Jobs Report.

3.

The quit rate has remained at 2.3% for one year, with workers voluntarily leaving jobs at a healthy rate.

4.

The Beveridge Curve moved down slightly in May, but remains in an expansionary phase.

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