Brad DeLong: Worthy reads on equitable growth, May 17–23, 2019

Worthy reads from Equitable Growth:

  1. Alice Rivlin has died at the age of 87. Alice never lost her optimism, and she built one of the few parts of the U.S. government that serves as a technocratic model of what government should and could be: the Congressional Budget Office. Read Heather Boushey’s obituary, “Alice Rivlin: An Inspiration for Generations Of Women Economists,” in which she writes: “Dr. Rivlin too often found herself to be the only woman in the room … But it is … highly unlikely that anybody knew more about the topic in most of those meetings. Robert Reischauer … refers to her as ‘the decathlete of public policy’… Belle Sawhill says Dr. Rivlin never lost her optimism … She was, and remains, an inspiration … Somebody who … strived every day, year in and year out, to develop and enact policies that she believed would benefit families and strengthen the country. We will all miss her a great deal.”
  2. The full text of “Recession Ready: Fiscal Policies to Stabilize the American Economy,” by Heather Boushey, Ryan Nunn, and Jay Shambaugh is online. Go read it!
  3. I missed this when it came out, from Chris Blattman in praise of our network’s Trevon Logan 3 years ago. Read Chris Blattman, “Black Lives Matter, Economic History Edition,” in which he writes: “Trevon Logan’s presidential address to the National Economics Association … calculates the productivity of his sharecropping ancestors relative to slave-holding estates a century before (a persistent question in American economic history). But mainly, he makes an argument for doing more qualitative interviews, which seems like an obvious point, except that systematic qualitative work is the exception in economic history (as it is in development economics): That richer, fuller picture reveals that the work behind the estimates came to define the way that the Logan children viewed racial relations, human capital, savings, investment, and nearly every aspect of their lives … We also learn that it is impossible to divorce the work from its social environment, an era in which Jim Crow, segregation, and other elements of overt racial oppression were a fact of life.”

Worthy reads not from Equitable Growth:

  1. I missed this too, when it came out 3 years ago. Read Melany De La Cruz-Viesca, Zhenxiang Chen, Paul M. Ong, Darrick Hamilton, and William A. Darity, Jr., “The Color of Wealth in Los Angeles,” in which they write: “White households in Los Angeles have a median net worth of $355,000 … Mexicans and U.S. blacks have a median wealth of $3,500 and $4,000, respectively … Japanese ($592,000), Asian Indian ($460,000), and Chinese ($408,200) households had higher median wealth than whites … African blacks ($72,000), other Latinos ($42,500), Koreans ($23,400), Vietnamese ($61,500), and Filipinos ($243,000) … The median value of liquid assets for Mexicans and other Latinos is striking, zero dollars and only $7, respectively, whereas, the median value of liquid assets for white households was $110,000.”
  2. Interesting numbers on multipliers. The problem I am having is that I am not sure whether there are Keynesian demand multipliers, or something more like Enrico Moretti regional-export multipliers. The decision by U.S. Department of Defense to support a factory in congressional district X looks, to me, a lot like a regional positive productivity shock. Read Alan Auerbach, Yuriy Gorodnichenko, and Daniel Murphy, “Local Fiscal Multipliers and Spillovers in the US,” in which they write: “Our baseline estimates imply that a dollar of DOD spending in a city increases [Gross Domestic Product] in that city by a dollar and increases labour earnings by 0.35, and that an increase of DOD spending equal to a percent of local earnings increases employment by 0.2 percent.”
  3. Smart analysis from Carmen Reinhart on inflation, “Explaining Inflation Inertia,” in which he writes: “Price-stability targets have proved elusive in countries like Argentina, where inflation is soaring, and Japan, which can’t shake the specter of deflation … The BOJ now holds about 50 percent of the outstanding stock of government bonds. This is no small achievement, as Japan’s government debt ratio, at 238 percent of GDP, is the highest in the world. And yet, despite these policies, inflation expectations 5 years out are still anchored close to 1 percent … Argentina[’s] … inflation … has accelerated … to about 55 percent … Pass-through from the exchange rate to the price level is only part of the story. And an overheated economy has played no role at all … What can governments do to induce turning points in stubborn inflation expectations when central banks’ policies prove insufficient to the task?… Japan, convincing the private sector that higher inflation is the path of the future, requires a break from the current practice of indexing public-sector wages to the previous year’s inflation. Bold increases in public-sector wages may provide the official signal … As for Argentina … de-indexation requires significant reductions in real wages, starting with the public sector. The political difficulty of doing this (especially when the public sector is large, as it is in Argentina) is daunting.”
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Inflation inequality in the United States is due to imbalanced product innovation

Sept. 27, 2018 Palo Alto, CA. Shoppers in the south San Francisco bay area look through their local Whole Foods market for fruits and vegetables.

A recent study finds an intriguing link between different levels of inflation for products that are purchased by the wealthy, compared to items bought by everyone else in the United States. Even more intriguing, the reason appears to be that price competition for the dollars spent by the wealthy results in more product innovation for those goods, leading to less inflationary pressure on those products compared to products bought by everyone else—goods that do not benefit from more competitive product innovation.

The new paper, published in the Quarterly Journal of Economics by Equitable Growth grantee Xavier Jaravel, an assistant professor at the London School of Economics, finds that increases in the size of markets cause increases in product variety and thus those markets experience lower inflation rates. Because there is more product innovation among high-end goods, price changes favor high-income households, thus increasing income inequality.

Using data collected by cash register scanners at U.S. retailers between 2004 and 2015, Jaravel estimates that annual inflation for goods was 0.66 percentage points higher for low-income households than high-income households. After taking into account changes in product variety over time, this difference rises to 0.88 percentage points. Product categories disproportionately consumed by high-income households—such as organic produce, branded drugs, and craft beverages—experienced higher levels of innovation and lower levels of inflation when compared to product categories consumed by low-income households, such as generic drugs and nonorganic produce.

Jaravel’s findings show that increases in income inequality increase the size of the markets that serve high-income households. As a result, firms release new and innovative products aimed at high-income household consumption. With newer and older versions of products out in the same market, the price of older versions goes down in order to stay competitive, thus creating a cycle of positive and affordable innovation for the wealthy. The reduction in the relative size of the market serving low-income households weakens this cycle when it comes to serving their purchasing interests.

Jaravel highlights two potential implications for public policy. The first is that accurate measurement of changes in living standards requires inflation measures that vary across the income distribution. The second is that any cost-benefit analysis of proposed safety net policies must recognize the potential consequences of changes in market size.

Innovation is critical to long-run economic growth, but it is important that the benefits of innovation extend to all income groups. Jaravel’s research demonstrates that innovation is often responsive to other economic trends and—in a period of rising inequality—innovators may direct their efforts to serving high-income households at the expense of low-income households.

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Weekend reading: “Brown v. Board of Education” edition

This is a weekly post we publish on Fridays with links to articles that touch on economic inequality and growth. The first section is a round-up of what Equitable Growth published this week and the second is the work we’re highlighting from elsewhere. We won’t be the first to share these articles, but we hope by taking a look back at the whole week, we can put them in context.

Equitable Growth round-up

Following up on Mother’s Day, Equitable Growth Senior Policy Analyst Alix Gould-Werth wrote a blog post this weekend outlining changes in the social policies that support parenthood in the United States. She builds on this history to suggest directions for contemporary pro-family policies (including affordable, high-quality childcare and paid leave for all parents) that are based on recent economic and other social scientific research.

Equitable Growth Director of Markets and Competition Policy Michael Kades responded to the House Judiciary Committee’s passing of four bills to address the market-bending actions that drug manufacturers take to reduce competition. Having testified on three of these pieces of legislation, Michael provides some key insights into how and why they will help reduce skyrocketing pharmaceutical drug prices.

Equitable Growth Policy Director Alyssa Fisher summarized some of the key findings of Equitable Growth’s joint book with the Hamilton Project at the Brookings Institution titled “Recession Ready: Fiscal Policies to Stabilize the American Economy.” In the book, economists and other scholars in Equitable Growth’s network explain how policymakers can reduce the harms of recessions by proactively crafting and investing in policies such as unemployment insurance, the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, the Children’s Health Insurance Program, Medicaid, automatic infrastructure funding, and direct payments to individuals to boost consumer demand during downturns.

In his weekly “Worthy Reads” column, University of California, Berkeley economist and Equitable Growth columnist Brad Delong highlighted recent research and writing in economics from Equitable Growth and other economists. This week, Brad provides some additional thoughts on Alyssa’s, Michael’s, and Alix’s blogs summarized above while also pointing to Equitable Growth grantee Samir Sonti’s work on the politics of inflation from the 1930s and 1980s as well as recent work on artificial intelligence and the internet of the future.

To close out the week, Equitable Growth Executive Director Heather Boushey wrote a column in memory of economist and founding CBO Director Alice Rivlin. On top of being a pioneer for women in the field of economics, Heather argues that Dr. Rivlin was one of our country’s most effective leaders as well as a model of committed, compassionate, hard-headed public service.

Links from around the web

P.R. Lockhart of Vox notes that today marks the 65th anniversary of the Supreme Court’s Brown v. Board of Education decision but reviews the findings of a recent report demonstrating startlingly high levels of income- and race-based segregation across the country today. Among other findings, the report by scholars Erica Frankenberg, Jongyeon Ee, Jennifer B. Ayscue, and Gary Orfield documents that the share of severely racially isolated schools that enroll 90-100 percent non-white students has more than tripled since 1988, the peak of school integration. [vox]

Berkeley economist Rucker Johnson wrote an op-ed in The Washington Post discussing some of the findings of his recently-published book “Children of the Dream: Why School Integration Works.” He finds clear empirical evidence that the early wave of school integration had undeniable benefits for black students’ long-term educational, labor market, and other economic outcomes. Furthermore, he argues that the most effective strategy to improve our public schools must include school integration, school funding equalization, and early childhood expansion. [wapo]

Andrew Ujifusa in Education Week compares some recent legislative proposals to combat pervasive segregation with the demands of pro-integration advocates. While the bills introduced in Congress importantly address federal incentives and funding for school districts, emboldened civil rights enforcement, and diversity-conscious student assignment plans, Ujifusa points out these proposals fail to incorporate proposals to combat exclusionary zoning, to require federal pre-clearance for school district secessions, to recalibrate Title I funding for schools with low-income students to encourage integration, and to set diversity standards for charter schools. [edweek]

In the New York Daily News, Shino Tanikawa and Leonie Haimson discuss how school integration can be strengthened via lower class sizes. Citing evidence from the United States and Finland, they argue that smaller class sizes wouldn’t just open up possibilities for integration, but would also improve the relationships between teachers and students and thus the quality of public-school teaching. [nydn]

Friday Figure

Figure is from Equitable Growth’s, “Can school finance reforms improve student achievement?

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Alice Rivlin: An inspiration for generations of women economists

Alice M. Rivlin as on the Federal Reserve Board of Governors, 1997.

As a young woman aspiring to be an economist who could make my mark on national policy and help make our country better, I had relatively few role models to emulate. But of those few, one stood out—not only as a breaker of gender barriers and one of our country’s most effective leaders, but also as a model of committed, compassionate, hard-headed public service. That was Alice M. Rivlin, who died this week at 88.

When she received her economics Ph.D. in the late 1950s, the share of doctorates in our field that went to women was below 5 percent. And when Dr. Rivlin came to Washington, D.C. soon after, women were still rarely seen in leadership roles in government. But once she began working at the Brookings Institution, an organization known for the high quality and nonpartisanship of its research and analysis, it became clear to political leaders what an asset she would be to policymaking.

In 1966, President Lyndon Johnson named Dr. Rivlin deputy assistant secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare for Program Analysis. Back at Brookings, during the Nixon administration, she became the choice of congressional leaders for a major job created by Congress in 1974: director of the newly established Congressional Budget Office. The agency was established to help restore the role of Congress in budgeting and provide serious policy analysis independent of that provided by the executive branch. It says a great deal that when congressional leaders needed an economist with both internal and external credibility who could provide strong leadership for a new organization, they turned to Alice Rivlin.

Serving for more than 8 years, she built the Congressional Budget Office from the ground up and along the way set the tone for an organization that has, for the most part, withstood partisan pressure from both sides of the aisle to be considered the nation’s most reliable source of unbiased data and analysis on budgets and legislation. Sadly, only one other woman has served in the role since.

In 1993, Dr. Rivlin was again called to public service, this time by the new Clinton administration, to become deputy director of the Office of Management and Budget. In 1994, President Bill Clinton named her the nation’s first woman OMB director. In that role, she provided both policy and political leadership during a very challenging period that included intense battles with Congress over budgets and spending. (And again, only one other woman has served in the role since she did.) From there, she went on to serve as vice chair of the Federal Reserve Board of Governors, the second most powerful position in that independent body.

Dr. Rivlin worked and lived in the District of Columbia, and she twice took on the serious challenge of addressing the District government’s long-term fiscal issues. In 1990, she headed a commission that warned of a fiscal crisis amid deteriorating services, and, based largely on her report, Congress established the D.C. Financial Responsibility and Management Assistance Authority. She became its second leader, bringing it to a successful conclusion following very controversial beginnings and playing a key role in pulling the District away from fiscal disaster.

Throughout her career, in government and out, Dr. Rivlin was an advocate for practical, compassionate solutions to the nation’s most difficult social and economic problems. She was a fiscal hawk who understood the impact that government programs have on individuals and families.

Even today, women are severely underrepresented in economics. And no doubt, Dr. Rivlin too often found herself to be the only woman in the room for important policy conversations. But it is also highly unlikely that anybody knew more about the topic in most of those meetings. Robert Reischauer, her colleague and himself a former CBO director, refers to her as “the decathlete of public policy.” No wonder. And our mutual friend, Isabel Sawhill, says Dr. Rivlin never lost her optimism about the country’s ability to solve problems. After a lifetime of breaking down barriers, that optimism was hard-earned, and it must have been sorely challenged in her final years.

I might not have agreed with every policy that Alice Rivlin advocated, but she was, and remains, an inspiration to me and, I believe, to generations of women economists who have sought to make their way in the policy world. She was, for decades, one of the most respected leaders in government, an acknowledged authority on budget and other economic issues, a pioneer for women in top positions, and, above all, somebody who, as an economist and policymaker, strived every day, year in and year out, to develop and enact policies that she believed would benefit families and strengthen the country. We will all miss her a great deal.

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Brad DeLong: Worthy reads on equitable growth, May 10–16, 2019

Worthy reads from Equitable Growth:

  1. Here’s the current scorecard on House of Representatives action on drug price reform, courtesy of Michael Kades, “U.S. Congress Continues to Make Progress on Drug Price Competition,” in which he writes: “Measures passed by the Judiciary Committee on April 30 focus on company efforts to block or delay the development and marketing of generic drugs, medications that are essentially identical to the original brand drugs but that are sold at far lower prices, saving consumers billions of dollars on both drug purchases and insurance premiums. The introduction of generic drugs, originally made possible by the Hatch-Waxman Act 35 years ago, provides meaningful competition where there essentially was none and therefore threatens the profits of drug companies. Some companies have adopted the strategy to prevent or delay the introduction of generics. And they have used gaps in Hatch-Waxman and in other laws, as well as in enforcement standards, to develop successful tactics for preventing competition.”
  2. If you miss Alyssa Fisher at the joint Equitable Growth-Hamilton Project event today on automatic stabilizers, then read her “Planning for the Next Recession by Reforming U.S. Macroeconomic Policy Automatic Stabilizers,” in which she writes: “Six big ideas … to be triggered when the economy shows clear, proven signs of heading into a recession [include] Gabriel Chodorow-Reich … and … John Coglianese [who] propose to expand eligibility for Unemployment Insurance and encourage take-up … Jason Furman and Wilson Powell III [who] aim to reduce state budget shortfalls during recessions … by increasing the federal matching rate for Medicaid and the Children’s Health Insurance Program … Hilary Hoynes … and … Diane Whitmore Schanzenbach [who] propose to limit or eliminate work requirements for supplemental nutrition assistance during recessions … Indivar Dutta-Gupta [who] proposes a countercyclical stabilization program through … Temporary Assistance for Needy Families … Andrew Haughwout [who] proposes an automatic infrastructure investment program … [and] Claudia Sahm [who] proposes to boost consumer spending during recessions by creating a system of direct stimulus payments to individuals.”
  3. I am not sure that it is right to say that advocates of “Mothers’ Pensions” believed that the woman’s sphere was in the home. They certainly believed that women’s work was important and believed that the first and most dire need for social insurance was to make sure that mothers of children had the resources they needed to raise the next generation. But they—and here, I am generalizing from my own family: my great-grandmother Fonnie and my great-great-grandmother Florence—also recognized that women in their generations were having four pregnancies, on average, while their grandmothers had had eight, and that they were assisted in the home by an increasing amount of modern technology in the form of consumer durables. And my mother-in-law Barbara maintains to this day that the thing that most changed her life was the clothes-washing machine. Half the number of pregnancies plus consumer durables meant that a lot of female energy could be—and was—directed outside the home. For another view, read Alix Gould-Werth, “After Mother’s Day: Changes in Mothers’ Social Programs Over Time,” in which she writes: “As Anna Jarvis was crusading to get Mother’s Day a place on the nation’s calendar, her peers—wealthy, white women who shared her progressive, reform-minded impulses—were laying foundation for our modern social safety net. Though most of these women chose to pursue social change rather than traditional family life, as architects of Mothers’ Pensions, they sided firmly with the view that the woman’s sphere was in the home. Mothers’ Pensions—which were passed into law state by state from 1911 to 1920—were targeted at widows and provided cash payments designed to simultaneously keep children out of orphanages and mothers out of the workplace.”
  4. Let me direct your attention to one of Equitable Growth’s young whippersnapper grantees writing smart things: Samir Sonti, who “studies 20th century U.S. labor and economic history. Sonti’s dissertation focuses on the politics of inflation in the United States from the 1930s to the 1980s. He received a bachelor of arts degree in political science and a bachelor of science degree in economics from the University of Pennsylvania.”

Worthy reads not from Equitable Growth:

  1. Replacing the legions of humans working as software bots doing routine and not-quite-so-routine information-classifying tasks may become one of the leading sectors of the next generation. It may not. But it may. As with all write-once, run-anywhere, basic-programs-easy-to-copy industries, it is hard to see how a profit-seeking market economy could focus its work productively here. Yet so far in the information age, the government has been useful more in throwing money and resources at problems than in directing activity. Read Martin Wolf, “China Battles the U.S. in the Artificial Intelligence Arms Race,” in which he writes: “What counts is implementation not innovation, and here the Chinese have big advantages … China [has] more internet users than the [United States] and Europe combined … a supportive government … [with] ambitious goals …. ‘internet AI’… tracks what you do on the internet; ‘business AI’… allows businesses to exploit their data … ‘perception AI’… that sees the world … and ‘autonomous AI’… interacts with us in the real world. At present … China is equal to the [United States] in the first, vastly behind in the second, a little ahead in the third, and, again, far behind in the fourth. But 5 years from now…”
  2. The next internet is a 50-year issue, not a 5-year or even a 20-year issue. But it is a rather important issue because a lot turns on whether the United States retains a middle-class income distribution. A wealthy middle class will have very strong demand for human connection in the form of individualized personal services. A plutocracy will not, if only because one plutocrat can only employ one psychiatrist each. Read Kara Swisher, “Can Anyone Tame the Next Internet?,” in which she writes: “which jobs will be impacted? … Not just factory workers, burger flippers, and long-haul truckers. Highly paid lawyers, skilled doctors … and, yes, even lowly journalists will need to find new lines of work … To thrive in this environment will require being in a profession that is creative, where analog interactions are critical … art … caring … anything in which being human trumps cyborg. And since AI becomes ever smarter, it will make sense to allow it to do more and more as we become ever less so.”
  3. At least as I read it, the decline in the female nonmotherhood penalty was primarily driven by the end of wage suppression in female-heavy occupations and is now over. Yes, blue-collar—and increasingly white—collar—American men do not have the standard of living that they expected. But that is overwhelmingly due to income redistribution upward and a productivity slowdown or two—not to gender dynamics. Read John Authers, “A Series of Non-Events Alters Fed Rate Cut Odds,” in which he writes: “The recovery … has still left male unemployment worse than at any point post-war … There are many men who are less productive than their fathers, and have reason to feel angry. That said, women have reason for unhappiness as well … Women are still putting up with [non]employment rates 10 points higher than for men. And so it does indeed seem possible, from my extremely swift look at the top-down data, that gender dynamics help explain why improving employment is not making many Americans happier.”
  4. People need productive and useful things to do, not necessarily jobs that are the focus of their lives. Read Per Kurowski, “We Need Worthy and Decent Unemployments,” in which he writes: “Two decades ago, concerned about growing unemployment, half in jest, in an Op-Ed in El Universal of Caracas, I asked something like whether it was better to have one hundred thousand unemployed running each on his side as broody hens, or to seat them all in a huge human circle where everyone would scratch the backs of one of his neighbors, charging a lot for his services, while his own back was scratched by his other neighbor, at an equally high price. The tragedy is that this question seems to me now less and less hypothetical.”
  5. I confess that I am much less optimistic about changing how macroeconomists think in American academia. Outside of a few places—the University of California, Berkeley among them—academic economists talk too little to forecasters and register too little of reality. This was brought home to me when I read how Robert Lucas and Edward Prescott decided that monetary policy did not affect employment just as Paul Volcker was hitting the U.S. economy on the head with a brick and sending it into the deep recession of 1982. Read Olivier Blanchard and Lawrence H. Summers, “Evolution or Revolution: An Afterword,” in which they write: “The notion that low rates largely reflected the after-effects of the financial crisis and would slowly fade away has simply proven wrong … Fiscal policy has … turned … expansionary … Inflation remains below target … Output is still below potential … For a long time, economists looking at Japan pointed to mistakes in policy and excessive reliance on deficits; it is now clear that the Japanese macroeconomic response was, on net, the right one … We noted … that both the Depression and the Great Inflation of the 1970s led to dramatic changes in macroeconomic thinking—much more dramatic than have yet occurred in response to the events of the last decade. We think it is increasingly likely that this gap will close in the next few years.”
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Planning for the next recession by reforming U.S. automatic stabilizers

In <em>Recession Ready</em>, experts from academia and the policy community propose six big ideas to be triggered when the economy shows clear, proven signs of heading into a recession.

When the U.S. economy is cruising down the road in high gear, as it is these days, it can be hard to focus on the next engine failure. Having occurred seven times in the past 50 years, recessions—like death and taxes—are inevitable. And they are painful, with harsh short-term effects on families and businesses and potentially deep long-term ill effects on the economy and society. But policymakers can ameliorate some of the next recession’s worst effects and minimize its long-term costs if they adopt smart policies now that will be triggered when the first warning signs of the downturn appear.

What are the best policies to put in place today? Policymakers need a guide, and Equitable Growth has joined forces with The Hamilton Project to advance a set of specific, evidence-based policy ideas for shortening and easing the impacts of the next recession. In a new book, Recession Ready: Fiscal Policies to Stabilize the American Economy, experts from academia and the policy community propose six big ideas, including two entirely new initiatives and four significant improvements to existing programs, all to be triggered when the economy shows clear, proven signs of heading into a recession.

Recession Ready was edited by Equitable Growth Executive Director Heather Boushey, Ryan Nunn, a fellow in Economic Studies at the Brookings Institution and policy director for The Hamilton Project, and Jay Shambaugh, director of The Hamilton Project, senior fellow in Economic Studies at the Brookings Institution, and professor of economics and international affairs at the Elliott School of International Affairs at The George Washington University.

Automatic stabilizers for the economy are anything but a new concept. When a recession hits, the tax system and a number of key programs, from Unemployment Insurance to Medicaid, already cushion its effects by giving families suffering from unemployment or underemployment greater resources to cushion the blow or, in the case of the tax system, taking less (or nothing) in taxes. These results are important not only for families but also for the overall economy, which desperately needs the injection of greater resources. But as we have seen in most recessions, the existing automatic stabilizers are not nearly enough.

Recessions have victims. Millions of workers can lose their jobs. A generation of young people seeking to enter the workforce may find it daunting or even impossible. Families must contend with depleted savings and making painful choices among life’s necessities. And thriving businesses, especially small businesses, can be brought to their knees, hurting employers and employees. What’s worse, the most vulnerable are disproportionately affected. Numbers from the most recent downturn, while a severe example—it’s called the Great Recession for a reason—give an idea of the potential damage. The unemployment rate doubled to 10 percent and took 7 years to get back to its pre-recession level, 8.7 million jobs disappeared, and more than 5 million additional people were thrown into poverty—a number that would have been far greater in the absence of the 2009 American Recovery and Reinvestment Act. There is evidence that these losses will have a long-term impact on careers and earnings, especially for those who entered the job market during the recession.

The new Hamilton Project-Equitable Growth book provides background on past recessions, establishes the need for action ahead of the next recession, and contains a chapter on each of the six concrete ideas. The four proposals for strengthening existing programs are:

  • When workers lose their jobs, the Unemployment Insurance system is a first line of defense for them and their families. It is also a critical automatic stabilizer in recessions, because spending ramps up substantially as unemployment mounts. Fewer workers, however, use the system than one might expect, and some are excluded by the program’s rules. The Extended Benefits program, which kicks in during periods of high unemployment, has not been effective in providing economic stimulus. Gabriel Chodorow-Reich of Harvard University and Equitable Growth grantee John Coglianese, now of the Federal Reserve Board, propose to expand eligibility for Unemployment Insurance and encourage take-up of its regular benefits. They also propose to strengthen the Extended Benefits program by several means, including making it fully federally financed.
  • It falls on the federal government to counter recessions, as most states are prevented from doing so by balanced-budget requirements. Indeed, these requirements sometimes force states to reduce benefits and cut spending generally in the wake of lost revenues. Healthcare is the largest single category of state funding and therefore critical to state governments’ response to a recession. A proposal by Matthew Fiedler of the Brookings Institution, Equitable Growth Steering Committee Member Jason Furman, and Wilson Powell III of Harvard University aims to reduce state budget shortfalls during recessions by about two-thirds and avoid state budget cuts during these periods by increasing the federal matching rate for Medicaid and the Children’s Health Insurance Program during economic downturns.
  • The Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program is the largest program in the nation’s hunger safety net, reducing hunger and malnutrition for families and improving health, especially for infants and children. Because its benefits are spent quickly, it also boosts the economy, especially during a downturn. Yet current work requirements limit the program’s ability to help stabilize the economy during a recession, as finding work is an even greater challenge during economic downturns. Hilary Hoynes of the University of California, Berkeley and Equitable Growth grantee Diane Whitmore Schanzenbach of Northwestern University propose to limit or eliminate work requirements for supplemental nutrition assistance during recessions or permanently and to automatically increase benefits by 15 percent during recessions.
  • The Temporary Assistance for Needy Families program is a source of cash support for low-income families with children. It is a core part of the nation’s economic security system. But because the federal contribution is a fixed block grant to the states, it reaches only a small share of very disadvantaged families with children, and it does not serve as a stabilizer during economic downturns. Indivar Dutta-Gupta of the Georgetown Center on Poverty and Inequality proposes a countercyclical stabilization program through the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families program that would expand federal support for basic assistance during recessions and create a new, ongoing program to support state job subsidy efforts and provide a larger federal match of that state spending during economic downturns.

The two new automatic economic stabilizer programs in the Hamilton Project-Equitable Growth book are for infrastructure and direct payments to individuals:

  • Infrastructure spending provides a fundamental underpinning for economic growth, supporting good-paying jobs during its expenditure and contributing to economic activity with long-lived capital goods—new roads, bridges, and buildings. But new projects can be slow to get off the ground during a recession, reducing their potential cumulative impact as an economic stabilizer. Andrew Haughwout of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York proposes an automatic infrastructure investment program. The federal government would help states develop and maintain a catalogue of potential infrastructure projects, with the work on projects triggered at signs of a coming recession. Under the proposal, funding for the Better Utilizing Investments to Leverage Development, or BUILD, program, run by the U.S. Department of Transportation, would automatically be expanded in a recession to get top projects underway relatively quickly.
  • Research shows that significant, direct lump-sum stimulus payments to individuals in response to a recession are effective at boosting consumer spending quickly. Payments that are smaller or more spread out are not as effective. Equitable Growth Research Advisory Board Member Claudia Sahm of the Federal Reserve Board proposes to boost consumer spending during recessions by creating a system of direct stimulus payments to individuals that would be automatically triggered when rising unemployment signaled a coming recession. Additional annual payments would be triggered if the recession continued beyond the first year.

For the most part, these initiatives are countercyclical. As pointed out by the editors and Jimmy O’Donnell of The Hamilton Project in an early chapter, unemployment rates have reliably signaled the beginnings of recessions. These programs are to be triggered automatically by proven signs of a recession and expire when the economy is recovering. They inject funds into the economy to combat recession, and they withdraw those funds to avoid excessive stimulus during a recovery. Their activation would not prevent Congress and the administration from taking other measures to stabilize the economy during recessions and their aftermaths. But they would ensure significant, timely government action beyond the inadequate automatic spending that occurs under existing law. Because they affect different populations and have different implementation speeds, they are designed to be considered as a package in order to stimulate demand from individuals and families at all income levels and have a sustained impact. Congress should consider them now, because when the next recession appears on the horizon, it may be too late.

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U.S. Congress continues to make progress on drug price competition

Legislation to address skyrocketing pharmaceutical drug prices by boosting market competition continues to be one of the few areas for bipartisan cooperation in the 116th Congress. On April 30, the House Judiciary Committee became the second committee to take unanimous action on legislation to address the market-bending actions that drug manufacturers take to reduce competition, passing four important bills. With the Energy and Commerce Committee having acted previously, the House is now poised to consider a package of pharmaceutical competition legislation to send to the Senate, where there is also considerable bipartisan support for action.

Like the Energy and Commerce bills, the measures passed by the Judiciary Committee on April 30 focus on company efforts to block or delay the development and marketing of generic drugs, medications that are essentially identical to the original brand drugs but that are sold at far lower prices, saving consumers billions of dollars on both drug purchases and insurance premiums. The introduction of generic drugs, originally made possible by the Hatch-Waxman Act 35 years ago, provides meaningful competition where there essentially was none and therefore threatens the profits of drug companies. Some companies have adopted the strategy to prevent or delay the introduction of generics. And they have used gaps in Hatch-Waxman and in other laws, as well as in enforcement standards, to develop successful tactics for preventing competition.

Meaningful competition is fundamental to a successful, equitable market economy, and the relative lack of it has helped to send prices in this industry out of control. As I told the House Judiciary Committee when I testified on these issues earlier this year, “[C]ompetition can play a vital role in promoting the development of new drugs and controlling costs … Today, however, competition is broken. It has become far too easy for companies to manipulate the system to delay competition and increase prescription drug costs.”

Three of the bills about which I testified are among the four included in the Judiciary Committee legislative package.

  • The Preserve Access to Affordable Generics and Biosimilars Act (H.R. 2375), sponsored by Committee Chairman Jerrold Nadler (D-NY) and Ranking Member Doug Collins (R-GA), addresses pay-for-delay agreements under which manufacturers of brand-name drugs pay a competitor not to produce a generic or biosimilar version of the drug.
  • The Creating and Restoring Equal Access to Equivalent Samples (CREATES) Act (H.R. 965), introduced by Reps. David N. Cicilline (D-RI) and Jim Sensenbrenner (R-WI), would prevent brand-name pharmaceutical companies from blocking the producers of generics from obtaining the samples they need of an original branded drug against which to test their own products to show the Food and Drug Administration, or FDA, that they are indeed equivalent. This is a common tactic for blocking new generics.
  • Finally, the Stop Significant and Time-wasting Abuse Limiting Legitimate Innovation of New Generics (Stop STALLING) Act (H.R. 2734), introduced by Reps. Hakeem Jeffries (D-NY) and Rep. Sensenbrenner would, according to the committee press release, “curb the abuse of the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) citizen petition process and expand access to prescription drugs by reducing incentives for branded pharmaceutical companies to interfere with the regulatory approval of generics and biosimilars that compete with their own products.” Further, it explicitly would allow the FTC to challenge this practice in federal court, overturning a recent federal court decision that severely limited the Commission’s authority.

The fourth Judiciary bill, the Prescription Pricing for the People Act (H.R. 2376), proposed by Reps. Collins and Nadler, calls for a study by the Federal Trade Commission on the state of competition in the drug supply chain. Its purpose is to determine whether or not pharmacy benefit managers have engaged in anti-competitive practices.

The bills passed by the Energy and Commerce Committee on April 4 include the CREATES Act and the Protecting Consumer Access to Generic Drugs Act (H.R. 1499), introduced by Rep. Bobby Rush (D-IL)—a measure that, like the similarly named Preserve Access to Affordable Generics and Biosimilars Act, addresses pay-for-delay agreements.

It’s anticipated that the committee-passed bills will be considered by the full House of Representatives as early as this week.

Two things that have been in short supply in Congress in recent years are bipartisanship and action of any kind to address concentration and revive competition in the U.S. economy. Enactment of these drug-pricing bills would help address both shortages.

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After Mother’s Day: Changes in mothers’ social programs over time

Suffrage and labor activist Flora Dodge “Fola” La Follette (1882-1970), social reformer and missionary Rose Livingston, and a young striker during a garment strike in New York City in 1913.

Yesterday was Mother’s Day. If you celebrated, maybe you enjoyed a homemade card, brunch on the town, a floral bouquet, or a mostly edible breakfast in bed.

Today, I invite you to join me in thinking about how we as a nation craft the social programs that support our mothers. The first Mother’s Day was in 1905. Women in the United States at the time and since then have played twin roles: as producers of labor in their roles as workers and as reproducers of human life in their roles as mothers and caretakers. Women, of course, have always simultaneously worked in the market and parented at home, yet the value our society placed on these two types of women’s labor has changed over time—as have the social programs that support mothers.

As Anna Jarvis was crusading to get Mother’s Day a place on the nation’s calendar, her peers—wealthy, white women who shared her progressive, reform-minded impulses—were laying foundation for our modern social safety net. Though most of these women chose to pursue social change rather than traditional family life, as architects of Mothers’ Pensions, they sided firmly with the view that the woman’s sphere was in the home.

Mothers’ Pensions—which were passed into law state by state from 1911 to 1920—were targeted at widows and provided cash payments designed to simultaneously keep children out of orphanages and mothers out of the workplace. Along with cash payments came extensive monitoring and supervision, as proto-social workers pushed the predominantly white ethnic beneficiaries to embody American motherhood as they saw it (yes to church, no to garlic, no to work outside the home). These state programs paved the way for the federal laws that followed.

In 1935, Title IV of the Social Security Act established Aid to Dependent Children, which largely reflected the state system of Mothers’ Pensions. It was renamed Aid to Families with Dependent Children in 1962 and morphed into Temporary Assistance for Needy Families in 1996. By that time, our visions of both mothers and welfare recipients had shifted radically, and the program changed to mirror those shifts. Upper- and middle-class women had joined their working-class counterparts in the labor force and a social narrative formed to make sense of the idea of the working mother. Welfare recipients, once thought of as pitied but deserving white ethnic women, were now cast as black and undeserving.

In short, by 1996, our social pendulum had swung fully in the direction of mothers as producers. A central goal of Mothers’ Pensions had been to keep mothers at home, but the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families program instituted work requirements designed to push mothers into the workplace—regardless of how those jobs affected their ability to parent.

So, where does that leave us today? We are still firmly rooted in the vision of mother-as-worker. Social programs, from the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program to Medicaid, are considering attaching or strengthening work requirements. This dichotomy, of course, doesn’t buy us much. Today, as was the case for most women in 1905, mothers are both producers and reproducers.

Social programs that focus on only one of these roles are doomed to fail. When paid leave programs target mothers over fathers, women bear more of the housework burden—even when they return to work. Work requirements push women into jobs with erratic hours that leave their children’s caretaking needs unmet.

This dynamic causes double damage to our economy. Saddling mothers with a disproportionate amount of housework stops them from effectively deploying the human capital they have accumulated in the workforce. And lack of control over one’s work environment stops mothers from helping their children develop the human capital that our economy will need in the generation to come.

So, what’s the best way for the social safety net to help support mothers and their families and the broader economy? Research tells us that our old archetypes are not working. We need to build the social safety net around new archetypes that reflect the varied roles played by both women and men. This means accessible paid leave for people of all genders as they care for loved ones at all stages of the lifespan. It means affordable, high-quality childcare. And it means financial support without strings attached when work won’t work for one’s family or when income from work is not enough.

This also means revisiting another pet project of the women reformers of the early 20th century: labor standards. When mothers spend time both in the home and at work, we need social policies that target their lives at work, as well as at home.

If you celebrated Mother’s Day yesterday, perhaps there was a mimosa toast to a mother in your life—and perhaps during the toast someone emphasized her commitment to her role in the home, cooking dinner, or applying bandages to a scraped knee. But it’s important to remember her role in the labor force as well—generating income to keep the lights on and supplying labor to keep the economy humming—and the way the social safety net differentially supports and responds to the varied roles our mothers play.

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Weekend Reading “Mothers Know Best” Edition

This is a weekly post we publish on Fridays with links to articles that touch on economic inequality and growth. The first section is a round-up of what Equitable Growth published this week and the second is the work we’re highlighting from elsewhere. We won’t be the first to share these articles, but we hope by taking a look back at the whole week, we can put them in context.

Equitable Growth round-up

Alix Gould-Werth highlighted new research that gave insights on how staff at U.S. corporate headquarters could support managers in trying to provide their workers with predictable schedules. The researchers created an experiment designed to improve the predictability of retail workers’ schedules by posting schedules at the beginning of each month, yet they found that these changes showed no effects to scheduling stability. The reason: firms are valued based on short-term returns to shareholders and managers are incentivized to cut costs and staffing regardless of the negative impacts these actions may have on employees, employers, or the overall economy. Their findings suggest that a shift in firm operations that serve the larger economic good rather than just their shareholders would instigate a reshaping of firm-level decision-making that could eventually improve job quality and schedule stability.

In a new Competitive Edge blog post, Fiona Scott Morton, Jonathan Baker, Nancy Rose and Steven Salop reviewed the principles and history of vertical merger enforcement in the United States. They believe that the lack of vertical merger enforcement over the past 40 years needs to be remedied and recommended that the Antitrust Division of the Department of Justice and the Federal Trade Commission follow their recommended principles and presumptions to merger enforcement. These guidelines would allow the agencies to investigate vertical mergers that look to be anti-competitive.

The U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics earlier this week released the newest data from the Job Openings and Labor Turnover Survey covering the month of March. Kate Bahn and Will McGrew put together four graphs utilizing JOLTS data.

Kate Bahn explains that while the “skills gap” has become almost conventional wisdom as an explanation for lagging wages, there is no empirical evidence to back up its theoretical foundation. Education and training are critical to boosting human capital, but there is plenty of evidence that the “skills gap” is largely a myth as an explanation for the wage problem. If the current small increase in wage growth in the United States is to be sustained, structural changes will be needed to support a higher minimum wage and improve and protect collective bargaining.

Brad DeLong compiles his most recent worthy reads on equitable growth both from Equitable Growth and outside press and academics.

Links from around the web

Leslie Albrecht of MarketWatch reviewed the launch of a new study that looks at how cash payments to low-income mothers affect childhood well-being. The researchers, which includes Equitable Growth 2014 Grantee Greg Duncan of the University of California, Irvine, recruited mothers below the federal poverty threshold to receive monthly cash payments for their baby’s first three years. The researchers believe that the money will support mothers’ ability to afford necessary goods and services for their infants and help alleviate some financial burdens. They aim to study the causal effects of these cash payments on financial behavior, parenting practices, and children’s cognitive development. [marketwatch]

Thousands of drivers for Uber Inc. on Wednesday protested the company’s driver-compensation practices ahead of its IPO release. They demanded better working conditions, increased pay transparency, health and disability insurance, and a seat on the Board of Directors in order to advocate for drivers’ rights. This demonstration highlighted the difference in working conditions between designated employees versus contract workers, who include rideshare drivers who do not qualify for benefits and conditions guaranteed to traditional employees. [vox]

Indeed’s Martha Gimbel and Equitable Growth alumni Nick Bunker found that part-time workers earn less per hour than full-time workers within the same occupation, and that the part-time penalty harms women the most because they make up a large portion of part-time workers. Mothers tend to seek out jobs where the part-time penalty is minimal, such as nursing or medical assistants, in order to avoid the penalty and maintain a flexible schedule. [indeed]

A recent op-ed by Facebook Inc. co-founder Chris Hughes in The New York Times explains how Facebook’s tactic of taking down competitors allowed the firm to acquire internet dominance over a short span of time. Hughes argued that the Federal Trade Commission’s lax antitrust enforcement allowed Facebook to buy Instagram and WhatsApp, two social media apps that turned Facebook into the premier photo-networking and real-time messaging platform. He noted that as a monopoly, Facebook has been able to take out competitors such as Vine and Snapchat by either blocking those platforms in Facebook’s interface or simply copying their model and integrating it within Facebook’s existing model. [nyt]

Harry Holzer at Georgetown University discussed how the 2017 Tax Cuts and Jobs Act claimed that corporate tax cuts would trickle down to employees in the form of pay raises, yet corporations instead mostly used the tax savings to increase stock buy-backs and give employees small, one-time bonuses. He offers an alternative option of adjusting the new tax law to give employees significant wage gains but maintain the overall size of the corporate tax cut. [wapo]

Friday Figure

Figure is from Equitable Growth’s “Competitive Edge: Principles and presumptions for U.S. vertical merger enforcement policy” by Jonathan B. Baker, Nancy L. Rose, Steven C. Salop, and Fiona Scott Morton.

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