Must-reads: March 24, 2016


Must-read: John Maynard Keynes: “The General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money”

Must-Read: John Maynard Keynes (1936): The General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money: “Is the fulfilment of these ideas a visionary hope?…

…Have they insufficient roots in the motives which govern the evolution of political society? Are the interests which they will thwart stronger and more obvious than those which they will serve?

I do not attempt an answer in this place…. But if the ideas are correct… it would be a mistake, I predict, to dispute their potency over a period of time…. The ideas of economists and political philosophers, both when they are right and when they are wrong, are more powerful than is commonly understood. Indeed the world is ruled by little else. Practical men, who believe themselves to be quite exempt from any intellectual influences, are usually the slaves of some defunct economist. Madmen in authority, who hear voices in the air, are distilling their frenzy from some academic scribbler of a few years back. I am sure that the power of vested interests is vastly exaggerated compared with the gradual encroachment of ideas….

There are not many who are influenced by new theories after they are twenty-five or thirty years of age, so that the ideas which civil servants and politicians and even agitators apply to current events are not likely to be the newest. But, soon or late, it is ideas, not vested interests, which are dangerous for good or evil.

Must-read: Mark Thoma: “The State of American Politics”

Must-Read: Mark Thoma: The State of American Politics: “Paul Ryan, in a speech…

…on the state of American politics, says:

We don’t lock ourselves in an echo chamber, where we take comfort in the dogmas and opinions we already hold.

Followed by:

… in 1981 the Kemp-Roth bill was signed into law, lowering tax rates, spurring growth, and putting millions of Americans back to work.

Bruce Bartlett:

… I was the staff economist for Rep. Jack Kemp (R-N.Y.) in 1977, and it was my job to draft what came to be the Kemp-Roth tax bill, which Reagan endorsed in 1980 and enacted the following year…. Republicans like to say that massive growth followed the Reagan tax cut. But average real GDP growth during Reagan’s eight years in the White House was only slightly above the rate of the previous eight years: 3.4 percent per year vs. 2.9 percent. The average unemployment rate was actually higher under Reagan than it was during the previous eight years: 7.5 percent vs. 6.6 percent…

What tools do central banks have left?

Officials take their positions for a family photo of G20 Finance Ministers and Central Bank Governors Meeting at the Pudong Shangri-la Hotel in Shanghai, China, 27 February 2016.

Central bankers are usually quite staid people. After all, when your pronouncements can easily swing stock markets and disrupt bond markets, you should be very careful about what you say. In normal times, central bankers should remain committed to being very reasonable and responsible. But it seems sometimes that the time for that old playbook has passed.

In the United States, the combination of our tepid recovery from the Great Recession, the low rates of inflation, and interest rates hovering around zero despite extraordinary amounts of expansionary monetary policy has provoked some rethinking of the old ways. Do we need new tools to guide economic growth moving forward? Or should we just amend the old ways?

Negative nominal interest rates, once thought to be an impossibility, are now being seriously considered as a tool for the Federal Reserve. Other central banks—including the Bank of Japan and the European Central Bank—have already taken the dive and lowered their nominal interest rates below zero, but it’s uncertain if the U.S. central bank will jump as well when the time arrives.

Former Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke doesn’t seem to consider negative rates a tool that would be wildly different from what’s been tried in the past. If interest rates have been cut to zero, he writes, “modestly negative rates seem a natural continuation; there is no clear discontinuity in the economic and financial effects of, say, a 0.1 percent interest rate and a -0.1 percent rate.” Whether the central bank can go negative (Bernanke says the legality of negative rates is uncertain) or will go there in the near future (he says it’s unlikely anytime soon) is very much up for debate. But there’s a real debate to be had.

Maybe new tools such as negative rates aren’t needed, though. The recent meeting of the Federal Open Markets Committee, the Fed’s policy-setting arm, has raised questions about the central bank’s use of “forward guidance” and its credibility when it comes to hitting its stated 2 percent inflation target. As Bernanke puts it in his post, central banks often refer to their guidance of policy by setting expectations through communications as “open mouth operations.” But the Fed seems to have tied its hands by setting expectations through its “dot plot” that there’s a set path for policy, despite its protests that the dots are not projections of the future path of interest rates. Perhaps the Fed would be better served by focusing on forward guidance that depends less on the calendar and more on economic thresholds.

But ultimately, these adoptions or reorientations of tools may just be picking at the edge of the problem. The Federal Reserve might now be facing the possibility of inflation slightly over its target of 2 percent after four years of missing the target on the downside. An overshoot would signal that the inflation target is really a target and not a ceiling, that inflation could go slightly higher in an effort to let economic growth really get a strong foothold. But if we’re to believe Federal Reserve Chair Janet Yellen’s remarks at the Fed’s latest press conference—in which she said the Federal Open Markets Committee was not trying to “engineer an overshoot of inflation”—then we shouldn’t hold our breath for overshooting.

Timidity, then, may be the problem that central bankers have to solve. As Ryan Avent of The Economist argues, it may be time for a monetary policy regime change. The Federal Reserve may test out new tools, but they may be for naught if new targets—such as a nominal gross domestic product target—don’t emerge. Central banks can experiment all they want with negative rates, helicopters, and different-colored dots, but a bit of resolve in the form of more dramatic, bigger-picture steps may be in order.

Must-read: Branko Milanovic: Global Inequality: A New Approach for the Age of Globalization

Must-Read: Branko Milanovic: Global Inequality: A New Approach for the Age of Globalization: “When: 03/29/2016 9:30 am – 11:00 am. Where: 1500 K Street Northwest, Washington, DC, United States…

…Please join the Washington Center for Equitable Growth on Tuesday, March 29 at 9:30a.m. for a presentation by Branko Milanovic on the findings of his new book, ‘Global Inequality: A New Approach for the Age of Globalization.’

‘Global Inequality’ is a comprehensive addition to the growing popular literature on inequality, expanding the scope of existing research in both time and space. Milanovic argues that inequality is historically not just an inverted-U shape, as Simon Kuznets claimed, nor a right-side-up U, as Thomas Piketty contends, but both.

The implications of Milanovic’s research for the current inequality debate pertain to the simultaneous decline of inequality between countries, as average incomes in the developing world grow rapidly, and the rise of inequality within countries, with the emergence of a global plutocracy and the stagnation or even decline of labor incomes for the middle class of developed economies. Milanovic connects all of these trends to the rise in globalization and pro-rich economic policies adopted around the world, and speculates about what sorts of forces might emerge to counteract the global trend, as they have in past periods.

Copies of ‘Global Inequality’ will be available for purchase at the event.

Registration and breakfast: 9:00 a.m. Presentation and discussion: 9:30 a.m. – 11:00 a.m. Welcome: Heather Boushey, Executive Director and Chief Economist, Washington Center for Equitable Growth. Featured author: Branko Milanovic, author, ‘Global Inequality: A New Approach for the Age of Globalization’; Senior Scholar, Luxembourg Income Study Center; Visiting Presidential Professor, Graduate Center, City University of New York. Discussant: Suresh Naidu, Assistant Professor of Economics and Public Affairs, Columbia University. Moderator: Marshall Steinbaum, Research Economist, Washington Center for Equitable Growth.

Must-read: John Maynard Keynes: “A somewhat comprehensive socialization of investment…

Must-Read: John Maynard Keynes (1936): The General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money: “It seems unlikely that the influence of banking policy on the rate of interest…

…will be sufficient by itself to determine an optimum rate of investment. I conceive, therefore, that a somewhat comprehensive socialisation of investment will prove the only means of securing an approximation to full employment; though this need not exclude all manner of compromises and of devices by which public authority will co-operate with private initiative. But beyond this no obvious case is made out for a system of State Socialism which would embrace most of the economic life of the community. It is not the ownership of the instruments of production which it is important for the State to assume. If the State is able to determine the aggregate amount of resources devoted to augmenting the instruments and the basic rate of reward to those who own them, it will have accomplished all that is necessary…

Must-reads: March 23, 2016


How low-income tax credits might be improved

As the federal government has placed less emphasis on dispersing cash in the form of traditional welfare, it has instead begun handing out cash through tax code programs like the Earned Income Tax Credit or the Child Tax Credit—the major tax code provisions that are oriented toward the lower half of the income distribution.

The federal tax code of the United States has many purposes—the main one, of course, being to help fund the federal government. Yet it also helps determine the shape and level of income inequality, both before and after income is redistributed. Most conversations about the tax code invariably drift to the subject of top marginal tax rates and their effects on economic growth and inequality. But the tax code has become not only a tool to take in money from households, but also a way to give them money.

As the federal government has placed less emphasis on dispersing cash in the form of traditional welfare, it has instead begun handing out cash through tax code programs like the Earned Income Tax Credit or the Child Tax Credit—the major tax code provisions that are oriented toward the lower half of the income distribution. A new working paper by economists Hilary Hoynes and Jesse Rothstein of the University of California, Berkeley takes a deeper look at the two tax credits, showing that while they accomplish many of their goals, they can be improved even further.

The Earned Income Tax Credit has come to replace traditional welfare programs as the major poverty-fighting cash-transfer program. In other words, the program is explicitly about redistributing funds toward those at the low end of the wage distribution. But the Child Tax Credit, while in theory targeting the low end of the distribution and amplifying some of the effects of the Earned Income Tax Credit, seems more focused on “horizontal” concerns by reducing taxes for families with children compared to those without them.

One concern about the Child Tax Credit is that it’s not “fully refundable.” Whereas a person can get the full value of the Earned Income Tax Credit even if they don’t pay any federal income tax, the Child Tax Credit is only refundable for people with annual incomes over a certain level. Thanks to a 2009 reform made permanent in 2015, that income level is now only $3,000 instead of the previous threshold of $11,500.

But even with that reform, the Child Tax Credit is still far less targeted at low-income workers than the Earned Income Tax Credit. According to Hoynes and Rothstein’s calculations using a tax model, 60 percent of the benefits of Earned Income Tax Credit goes to tax filers earning less than $30,000 a year. On the other hand, only about 20 percent of Child Tax Credit benefits go to this group—and another 20 percent of the benefits from the credit goes to families making more than $100,000 a year.

Lowering the income threshold, however, made the Child Tax Credit much more progressive: More than 70 percent of the new benefits went to families making less than $30,000 a year. Making the tax credit fully refundable like the Earned Income Tax Credit would further increase its progressivity. Likewise, policymakers could also make the Earned Income Tax Credit more progressive by expanding the credit for workers without children.

Again, both the Earned Income Tax Credit and the Child Tax Credit have been successful at achieving their stated goals. But Hoynes and Rothstein’s research reminds us that just because a program may work well, that doesn’t mean it can’t work better.

Must-read: Martin Wolf: “China’s Struggle for a New Normal”

Must-Read: Martin Wolf: China’s Struggle for a New Normal: “Beijing must be decisive and yet responsive to the needs of the people…

…At present, it seems strangely indecisive on the economy and yet increasingly authoritarian on the politics. Only a fool would consider political instability anything but a disaster for China and the world. Equally, the desire of President Xi Jinping to attack corruption and so strengthen the legitimacy of the Communist party is understandable…. [But] its political institutions must surely move beyond the ‘democratic centralism’ invented by Vladimir Lenin a century ago. The challenges are daunting. It is only the successes of the recent past that provide confidence in those of the future.