Must-Read: Marshall Steinbaum: How Much Would Increasing Top Income Tax Rates Reduce Inequality?

Must-Read: Marshall Steinbaum: How Much Would Increasing Top Income Tax Rates Reduce Inequality?: “William Gale, Melissa Kearney, and Peter Orszag… increasing top-bracket ordinary income tax rates…

would have little impact on inequality…. There are two key reasons why [their] tax scenarios do not affect [their measure of] inequality very much. First of all, the rich earn a great deal of their income in categories other than “ordinary income,” to which these tax rates apply…. The other reason… is that GKO measure inequality by the Gini Coefficient. But the scenarios only affect individuals comfortably within the top 1% of the income distribution…. The Gini Coefficient is insensitive to measuring inequality in that group….. [But] the reduction in the top 1% income share as a result of the GKO scenario is just under 20% of the total increase in inequality over the whole period the CBO analyzes…

A tale of three U.S. employment-to-population ratios

The press received the most recent labor market data from the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics late last week as unexpected bad news because employment growth slowed and wage growth continued to be weak. Yet the U.S. unemployment rate sits at 5.1 percent, around its range before the Great Recession. Given the lack of wage growth in the economy, it’s become quite obvious that the current unemployment rate is overstating the health of the U.S. labor market.

But exactly how much further do we have to go? A look at a few different metrics, specifically employment-to-population ratios, might shed some light on the answer.

Perhaps the surest way to know the labor market is approaching full employment is to look at wage growth. Full employment really can’t be pinned down to one specific number, but one would expect to see strong nominal wage growth (before accounting for inflation) consistent with long-run productivity growth. Given that labor productivity growth in the long run is about 1.5 percent, and the inflation rate per the Federal Reserve’s target should be 2 percent over the long term, nominal wage growth should be 3.5 percent at the very least in a healthy labor market. Current wage growth isn’t even close to that threshold yet.

But the problem in waiting for wage growth is that you really don’t know until you get there. As University of Michigan economist Justin Wolfers points out, monetary policy acts on a lag and therefore it shouldn’t ease too much for too long given the potential for inflation to pick up. Now, that might not be so terrible given central banks’ tendencies to take away the punch bowl too early in recent years. But it’d still be nice to have an idea of how much further the labor market has to go.

Enter a new statistic from researchers at the Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta: the Z-POP. The statistic, formally known as the utilization-to-population ratio, is an attempt by senior policy adviser John Robertson and economic policy analysis specialist Ellyn Terry to build a more accurate representation of how well labor is being used.

The ratio counts a member of the population fully utilized unless they are officially unemployed, working part-time but wanting full-time work, or out of the labor force but wanting a job. So workers who don’t want a job—say, because they’re in school or retired—are counted as fully utilized. As Josh Zumbrun of The Wall Street Journal said on Twitter, it’s like somewhere between the U-6 unemployment rate and the employment-to-population ratio. The Z-POP in September 2015 was 92.1 percent, still below its pre-Great Recession level of 92.7 percent in December 2007.

What does this new statistic tell us about the labor market compared to more traditional measures? Take a look at Figure 1, which looks at the relative changes in the Z-POP, the civilian employment-to-population ratio, and the prime-age (25-to-54 year old) employment-to-population ratio since March 2001, the peak before the dotcom-bust recession.

Figure 1

The three measures tell different stories about the pace of the current labor market recovery. The civilian ratio, which looks at the entire working-age population, shows almost no recovery. The obvious problem with this measure is that the population has undergone a demographic transformation as the Baby Boomers have started to retire, pushing down the share of the population with a job. To adjust for this demographic change, we can look at the employment-to-population ratio for workers in their prime working years. That metric shows a more significant recovery, but it has stalled out over the course of 2015. While the Z-POP is also below its pre-recession peak, it’s much closer to that March 2001 level.

So should we believe the Z-POP or the prime-age EPOP? At this point, frankly, it’s hard to tell. The prime-age employment-to-population ratio has a history of predicting wage growth well, but it doesn’t distinguish between workers out of the labor force who want to stay there  and those who’d like to jump back in. Either way, both measures indicate that we have a ways to go before seeing a truly healed labor market.

 

Must-Read: Paul Krugman: Puzzled By Peter Gourevitch

Must-Read: Over the past twenty years, Paul Krugman has a very good track record as an economic and a political-economic analyst. His track record is so good, in fact, that any even half-rational or half reality-based organization that ever publishes a headline saying “Paul Krugman is wrong” would find itself also publishing at least five times as many headlines saying “Paul Krugman is right”. And when any organization finds itself publishing “Paul Krugman is wrong” headlines that are not vastly outnumbered by its “Paul Krugman is right” headlines, it is doing something very wrong.

Thus note this “Paul Krugman is wrong” headline from the Washington Post’s Monkey Cage:

In the article, the well-respected Peter Gourevitch puzzled and continues to puzzle Paul Krugman:

Paul Krugman: Puzzled By Peter Gourevitch: “Peter Gourevitch has a followup… that leaves me, if anything…

…more puzzled…. He notes that….

The Federal Reserve is not a seminar… not only about being ‘serious’ or ‘smart’ or ‘finding the right theory’ or getting the data right. It is… a political… multiple forces of pressure: the… Committee; Congress and the president… political parties… interest groups… media… markets… foreign governments and countries.

But how does that differ from what I’ve been saying?…

[My original] column… was all about trying to understand the political economy of a debate in which the straight economics seems to give a clear answer, but the Fed doesn’t want to accept that…. I asked who has an interest… my answer is that bankers have the motive and the means….

I talk all the time about interests and political pressures; the ‘device of the Very Serious People’ isn’t about stupidity, it’s about how political and social pressures induce conformity within the elite on certain economic views, even in the face of contrary evidence. Am I facing another version of the caricature of the dumb economist who knows nothing beyond his models? Or is all this basically a complaint that I haven’t cited enough political science literature? I remain quite puzzled.

I agree.

It puzzles me too.

So let’s look at the arguments: In what respects does Peter Gourevitch think that Paul Krugman is wrong about the Federal Reserve?

(1) Here we have, for one thing, a complaint that Paul Krugman should not believe that there is even a “correct” monetary policy that the Fed should follow. This criticism seems to me to take an “opinions of the shape of the earth differ” form. I reject this completely and utterly.

(2) Here we have, for another thing, Peter Gourevitch saying–at least I read him as saying–that: “Paul Krugman is wrong! Political science has better answers! Political science better explains the Federal Reserve’s actions than Paul Krugman does!”

Yet Gourevitch does not actually do any political science.

He does not produce any better alternative explanations than Krugman offers.

In lieu of offering any such better alternative explanations, at the end of his follow-up post he provides a true laundry list of references for further reading:

  • William Roberts Clark, Vincent Arel-Bundock. 2013. “Independent but not Indifferent: Partisan Bias in Monetary Policy at the Fed.” Economics & Politics 25, 1 (March):1-26.
  • Lawrence Broz, The Federal Reserve’s Coalition in Congress. Broz looks at roll calls in Congress to explore left and right influences on the Fed.
  • Chris Adolph, Bankers, Bureaucrats and Central Bank Policy: the myth of neutrality, Cambridge University Press 2013
  • John T. Woolley. Monetary Politics. The Federal Reserve and the Politics of Monetary Policy. 1986. * Thomas Havrilesky. The Pressures on American Monetary Policy. Kluwer 1993.
  • Cornelia Woll, The Power of Inaction.
  • Kelly H. Chang. Appointing Central Bankers: The Politics of Monetary Policy in the United States. Cambridge UP 2003.
  • Jeff Frieden, Currency Politics: The Political Economy of Exchange Rate Policy
  • Roger Lowenstein, America’s Bank: The Epic Struggle to Create the Federal Reserve (suggested by Jeff Frieden).
  • Bob Kuttner’s Debtors’ Prison
  • Mark Blyth, Austerity.
  • Paul Pierson and Jacob Hacker, American Amnesia: Rediscovering the Forgotten Roots of Prosperity.
  • Greta R. Krippner, Capitalizing on Crisis: The Political Origins of the Rise of Finance
  • Marion Fourcade, Economists and Societies: Discipline and Profession in the United States, Britain, and France, 1890s to 1990s; 2015
  • Marion Fourcade, “The Superiority of Economists” (with Etienne Ollion and Yann Algan), Journal of Economic Perspectives; 2013
  • Marion Fourcade, “Moral Categories in the Financial Crisis.”
  • Marion Fourcade, “Introduction” (with Cornelia Woll)
  • Marion Fourcade, “The Economy as Morality Play” Socio-Economic Review 11: 601-627.

18 references. Some of them are quite long. Figure roughly 3000 pages. Or roughly 1,000,000 words. Offered without guidance.

As one of my Doktorgrossväter, Alexander Gerschenkron, used to say: “to tell someone to read everything is to tell him to read nothing.”

So let me provide some guidance: If you are going to read one thing from Peter Gourevitch’s list, read Mark Blyth’s excellent Austerity. I do think it is the place to start.

And if you do read it, you will find a very strong book-length argument–an argument which carries the implications that Paul Krugman’s screeds against and anathemas of VSPs are not, as analytical explanations, wrong, but rather profoundly right.

Noted for the Evening of October 4, 2015

Must- and Should-Reads:

Must-Read: Noah Smith: Star Trek Economics: Life After the Dismal Science

Must-Read: Noah Smith: Star Trek Economics: Life After the Dismal Science: “I grew up watching ‘Star Trek: The Next Generation’ (easily the best of the Star Trek shows)…

…There’s one big, obvious thing missing from the future society depicted in the program. No one is doing business…. Food and luxuries are free, provided by ‘replicators’…. Scarcity… seems to have been eliminated. Is this really the future?… Current world annual gross domestic product per capita… is only about $13,000–enough to put food on the table and a roof over one’s head. What happens when it is $100,000, or $200,000?… This is the basic Star Trek future. But actually, I think that the future has a far more radical transformation in store for us. I predict that technological advances will actually end economics as we know it, and destroy scarcity, by changing the nature of human desire…. Instead of a world defined by scarcity, we will live in a world defined by self-expression. We will be able to decide the kind of people that we want to be, and the kind of lives we want to live, instead of having the world decide for us. The Star Trek utopia will free us from the fetters of the dismal science.

Must Read: Steven B. Webb (1984): The Supply of Money and Reichsbank Financing of Government and Corporate Debt in Germany, 1919-1923

Steven B. Webb (1984): The Supply of Money and Reichsbank Financing of Government and Corporate Debt in Germany, 1919-1923: “During the five years of inflation, price stability, and hyperinflation in Germany after World War I…

…three factors determined the growth of the money supply. First, the Reichsbank freely issued money in exchange for whatever government or corporate debt the private sector did not wish to hold at the official discount rate. Second, the government persistently ran large deficits. Political instability and the inflation itself prevented taxation adequateto pay for social programs, subsidies to the railroad and businesses, and reparations to the Allies. The third factor was expectations of inflation, which, as they became more pessimistic, led people to hold less and monetize more of the outstanding stock of debt. Thus, the money supply was partly endogenous and partly dependent on government fiscal policy. The monetary policy of the Reichsbank, although essential to the inflation process, was a constant and passive one until stabilization at the end of 1923…

Is there a “correct” monetary policy? Yes!

In what way does Peter Gourevitch think that Paul Krugman’s analysis of the Federal Reserve is wrong?

Here we have, first, Gourevitch saying: “opinions of the shape of the earth always differ”:

Peter Gourevitch: This is why Paul Krugman is wrong about the Federal Reserve: “The second set of criticisms reflects a more fundamental disagreement between economics and political science…

…Economists tend to assume that there is a single right answer (even if they disagree bitterly among each other about what the right answer is)…. Political scientists… assume that there is more than one interpretation of what is correct, and try to come up with theories about which “correct” answer is chosen…

I reject this.

I reject this completely.

I reject this utterly.

For more than a hundred years there has been a broad near-consensus among economists that there is such a thing as a “correct” monetary policy.

To quote Keynes (1924):

Rising prices and falling prices each have their characteristic disadvantages. The Inflation which causes the former means Injustice to individuals and to classes,–particularly to investors; and is therefore unfavorable to saving. The Deflation which causes falling prices means Impoverishment to labour and to enterprise by leading entrepreneurs to restrict production in their endeavour to avoid loss to themselves; and is therefore disastrous to employment, The counterparts are, of course, also true,–namely that Deflation means Injustice to borrowers, and that Inflation leads to the over-stimulation of industrial activity. But these results are not so marked… borrowers are in a better position to protect themselves than lenders… labour is in a better position to protect itself from over-exertion in good times than from under-employment in bad times.

Thus Inflation is unjust and Deflation is inexpedient. Of the two perhaps Deflation is, if we rule out exaggerated inflations such as that of Germany, the worse; because it is worse, in an impoverished world, to provoke unemployment than to disappoint the rentier. But it is not necessary that we should weigh one evil against the other. It is easier to agree that both are evils to be shunned. The Individualistic Capitalism of to-day, precisely because it entrusts saving to the individual investor and production to the individual employer, presumes a stable measuring rod of value, and cannot be efficient–perhaps cannot survive–without one…

Paul Krugman’s point is that the consensus of the 1980 MIT macroeconomics posse is that right now a higher inflation target than 2%/year is appropriate and that raising interest rates is not appropriate. “Opinions of shape of earth differ” or even “There is no correct answer when there are competing rival views that are not easily testable in a complex world where one cannot readily carry out controlled experiments with obvious real world interpretations…” simply does not clear the bar as a criticism.

As I like to put it, back in 1820 Thomas Robert Malthus identified a “general glut” as a problem independent from and much more dire than a simple misallocation of productive resources that produced excess supply in one industry and excess demand in another:

Thomas Robert Malthus: The “General Glut” (1820): “[T]he effect of falling [manufacturing export] prices in reducing profits…

…is but too evident at the present moment. In the largest article of our exports, the wages of labour are now lower than they probably would be in an ordinary state of things if corn were at fifty shillings a quarter. If, according to [Ricardo’s] new theory of profits, the prices of our exports had remained the same, the master manufacturers would have been in a state of the most extraordinary prosperity, and the rapid accumulation of their capitals would soon have employed all the workmen that could have been found. But, instead of this, we hear of glutted markets, falling prices, and cotton goods selling at Kamschatka lower than the costs of production.

It may be said, perhaps, that the cotton trade happens to be glutted; and it is a tenet of the new doctrine on profits and demand, that if one trade be overstocked with capital, it is a certain sign that some other trade is understocked. But where, I would ask, is there any considerable trade that is confessedly under-stocked, and where high profits have been long pleading in vain for additional capital? The [Napoleonic] war has now been at an end above four years; and though the removal of capital generally occasions some partial loss, yet it is seldom long in taking place, if it be tempted to remove by great demand and high profits…

And back in 1829 the young John Stuart Mill identified the key cause as our possession of a monetary economy, and in a monetary economy Say’s Law–that supply creates its own demand–is false in theory: a general excess supply of pretty much all currently-produced goods and services, Malthus’s “general glut”, is the metaphysically-necessary consequence of an excess demand for whatever currently counts as money:

John Stuart Mill (1829): Essays on Some Unsettled Questions: “[In a non-monetary economy] the sellers and the buyers…

…for all commodities taken together, must, by the metaphysical necessity of the case, be an exact equipoise to each other; and if there be more sellers than buyers of one thing, there must be more buyers than sellers for another….

If, however, we suppose that money is used, these propositions cease to be exactly true…. Although he who sells, really sells only to buy, he needs not buy at the same moment when he sells; and he does not therefore necessarily add to the immediate demand for one commodity when he adds to the supply of another….

There may be, at some given time, a very general inclination to sell with as little delay as possible, accompanied with an equally general inclination to defer all purchases as long as possible. This is always actually the case, in those periods which are described as periods of general excess… which is of no uncommon occurrence….

What they called a general superabundance, was… a superabundance of all commodities relatively to money…. Money… was in request, and all other commodities were in comparative disrepute. In extreme cases, money is collected in masses, and hoarded; in the milder cases, people merely defer parting with their money, or coming under any new engagements to part with it. But the result is, that all commodities fall in price, or become unsaleable. When this happens to one single commodity, there is said to be a superabundance of that commodity; and if that be a proper expression, there would seem to be in the nature of the case no particular impropriety in saying that there is a superabundance of all or most commodities, when all or most of them are in this same predicament…

And ever since then, every monetary economist worthy of the name has sought a government and a central bank that will pursue a monetary policy that makes Say’s Law true in practice even though it is false in theory. Everyone has sought for a policy that makes the demand for money in conditions of full employment equal to the supply, so that we have neither an excess demand for money and Keynes’s inexpedient Deflation, nor an excess supply of money and Keynes’s unjust Inflation.

There is a single right answer in monetary policy. It is the policy that hits this sweet spot.

Noted for the Afternoon of October 2, 2015

Must- and Should-Reads:

Might Like to Be Aware of: