Must-Read: Olivia Goldhill: “Robot Helpers”

Must-Read: It is all in the framing: is the human the robot’s assistant, or the robot’s boss? Does the human merely help the robot by helping in all the edge cases? Or does the robot handle routine matters leaving the human free to spend more time exercising their judgment? It can go either way, depending on the details, in which is the devil…

Olivia Goldhill: “Robot Helpers”: “As AIs take on a growing role in the workplace, a new role is opening up for humans…

…The robot’s assistant…. AI trainers who work as ‘robot’s helpers’ already exist at… Facebook, virtual assistant start-up Clara Labs, and Interactions, a company that builds AI to handle customer service calls…. AI trainers are helping a new digital assistant called M, which works as a concierge service to make reservations, order delivery, and send reminders through Facebook messenger. The product is being trialled in San Francisco, and a host of humans work to make sure that M’s recommendations are solid and that tables have been booked at the right restaurant. ‘We’ve invented a new kind of job,’ Facebook spokesman Ari Entin told the New Scientist. Though an AI personal assistant might be able to handle most requests, it’s handy to have a human around to decipher confusing wording, check for accuracy, and—in the case of Interactions, which takes instructions by voice—make sense of mumbled comments. In short, humans can help when the robot isn’t sure…

What problem does crowdfunding venture capital solve?

Picture of venture capital or crowd funding finance by Brian Jackson, veer.com

Three years after the passage of the Jumpstart Our Business Startups (JOBS) Act, the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission has formally adopted one of the act’s more significant reforms—allowing companies to crowdsource their funding through the internet. Previously, only “accredited” investors could participate in these sorts of fundraising opportunities.

Expanding this opportunity to a wider audience seems attractive on first blush. Why wouldn’t we want more people to have a chance at investing in the next big thing? Or to boost the amount of investment in young firms? But it’s not exactly clear how crowdfunding would do these things without causing further complications.

Steve Case, a partner at the venture capital fund Revolution Growth and a proponent of the JOBS Act, wrote a post celebrating the finalization of the crowdsourcing rule. In his pitch for the regulation, Case points out that early-stage venture capital funding in the United States is not very diverse in terms of gender and race—the vast majority of funding goes to companies headed by white men. He also notes that the companies that receive funding are not evenly spread out across the country: 75 percent of funding goes to Massachusetts, New York, and California.

Although these are clear problems that should be addressed, crowdfunding may not be the answer. What Case is arguing, in essence, is that opening up the pool of potential investors will by itself increase the pool of potential entrepreneurs. Case just assumes that the increase in potential funding will grow the number of entrepreneurs and make them more diverse. But there’s no reason to think that amateur investors will put more time and effort into finding potential companies to invest in than the professionals at venture capital firms.

This brings up another point about crowdfunding firms that should make us more skeptical about this idea. If these crowdfunding opportunities act as a substitute for regular investing or retirement savings, that could be a huge risk for many households. Startups have a high failure rate, so funds invested in a single firm have a good chance of disappearing. There’s a reason why professional venture capital firms have funds that allow them to invest in a number of startups, so they are more likely to hit upon a winner. Given how unprepared many Americans appear to be for retirement, implicitly favoring even riskier investments doesn’t seem prudent.

For those concerned about the decline in the U.S. startup rate, increased crowdfunding isn’t obviously a solution to this problem, which we don’t even know the root cause of yet. It could be that fewer people feel like they have a cushion to fall back on, which could be causing them to take fewer risks. It could also be that the increased consolidation of older, bigger firms is making it harder for newer companies to break through. At best, crowdfunding could boost investments in some small firms while putting the savings of more Americans at risk. That’s a big bet to take.

Must-Watch: Ron Lee et al.: Do Millennials Stand a Chance? Giving the Next Generation a Fair Shot at a Prosperous Future

Must-Watch: Ron Lee, Hilary Hoynes, Henry Brady, Alex Gelber, Jesse Rothstein (November 18, 2015): Do Millennials Stand a Chance? Giving the Next Generation a Fair Shot at a Prosperous Future:

Wednesday, November 18, 2015 from 8:00 AM to 11:00 AM (PST) :: California Memorial Stadium :: 210 Stadium Rim Way

Must-Read: Ricardo Caballero, Emmanuel Farhi, and Pierre-Olivier Gourinchas: Welcome to the ZLB Global Economy

Must-Read: Am I wrong in seeing all this as basically: Triffin Dilemma II?

Ricardo Caballero, Emmanuel Farhi, and Pierre-Olivier Gourinchas: Welcome to the ZLB Global Economy: “Via expenditure-switching effects, the exchange rate affects the distribution…

…of a global liquidity trap across countries… fertile grounds for ‘beggar-thy-neighbour’ devaluations…. By the same token, our analysis implies that if a currency appreciates, possibly because it is perceived as a ‘reserve currency,’ then this economy would experience a disproportionate share of the global liquidity trap…. Arguably, this mechanism captures a dimension of the exchange rate appreciation struggles of Switzerland during the recent European turmoil, of Japan before the implementation of ‘Abenomics’, and of the US currently….

It is possible for some regions of the world to escape the liquidity trap if their inflation targets are sufficiently high…. Both issuing additional debt or a balance budget increase in government spending can potentially address the net shortage of assets and stimulate the economy in all countries, alleviating a global liquidity trap. They are associated with large Keynesian multipliers…. World interest rates and global imbalances go hand in hand: countries with large safe asset shortages run current account surpluses and drag the world interest rate down. Once at the ZLB, the global asset market is in disequilibrium: there is a global safe asset shortage that cannot be resolved by lower world interest rates… [that] is instead dissipated by a world recession… propagated by global imbalances…. Unfortunately, this state of affairs is not likely to go away any time soon. In particular, there are no good substitutes in sight for the role played by US Treasuries in satisfying global safe asset demand…

Noted for Lunchtime on November 9, 2015

Must- and Should-Reads:

And Over Here:

Must-Read: Mark Thoma: ‘Economic Policy Splits Democrats’

Must-Read: No, I do not know anyone who thinks this is correct. The Rubin wing of the Democratic Party thinks, today, that it paid much too little attention to policies to stem the growth of inequality in the 1990s, and that for the late 2010s and 2020s we need to focus on growth and distribution–on, in a phrase, equitable growth:

Mark Thoma: ‘Economic Policy Splits Democrats’: “Anyone think this is correct?:

[Nick Timiraos:] Economic Policy Splits Democrats, WSJ: The old guard… that laid the groundwork for… a two-term president watches with unease…. That alarm shines through in a new 52-page report from centrist Democratic think tank the Third Way…. “The right cares only about growth, hoping it will trickle down,” says Jonathan Cowan, president of Third Way. The left, meanwhile, is too focused on “redistribution to address income inequality.”… “This country is in real trouble,” Ms. Warren said at the May event. “The game is rigged and we are running out of time.” That kind of rhetoric gives Mr. Cowan fits because he says it isn’t a winning political message…. Third Way cites the failures of main street icons such as Kodak, Borders Books and Tower Records as proof that new technologies and delivery systems, as opposed to a “stacked deck” in Washington, are primarily responsible for economic upheaval…

Tower Records explains inequality? Seriously?… So, should I adopt a message I don’t think is true because it sells with independents who have been swayed by Very Serious People?… I’d rather convince people of the truth that more growth and more wealth creation won’t solve the problem if we don’t address workers’ bargaining power at the same time than gain their support by patronizing their views…. Maybe politicians have to tell people what they want to hear, I’ll let them figure that out, but I will continue to call it as I see it…

New thinking: Larry Summers puts in his 2 cents on “hysteresis” and “superhysteresis”

Let me point out that, to the extent one recognizes even the possibility of hysteresis or superhystesis, obvious optimal control policy when you approach the zero lower bound is to dial up current monetary expansion to the max and call for more fiscal expansion as well. The long-run damage from not generating a V-shaped recovery in the short-run is then immense, and you always dial policy down to be less expansionary should it look like you were about to overshoot. Yet such arguments had no purchase in the Bernanke Fed or the Geithner Treasury, and little inside the Obama White House.

I must confess that I have never understood why people ever thought it reasonable to believe that the pace of potential output growth was the same in a low pressure as an high-pressure economy. And, indeed, it is not:

Larry Summers: Advanced Economies Are so Sick We Need a New Way to Think About Them: “There appear to be more cases where recessions reduce the subsequent growth of output…

…than where output returns to trend. In other words ‘super hysteresis,’ to use Larry Ball’s term, is more frequent than ‘no hysteresis.’… We look at… recessions with different precursors. We find that even recessions that are associated with disinflationary monetary policies or the drying up of credit have substantial long-run output effects–suggesting the presence of hysteresis effects…. [Moreover,] fiscal policy changes have large continuing effects on levels of output suggesting the importance of hysteresis…

But we knew all this back in 1936, no? John Maynard Keynes:

John Maynard Keynes (1936): The General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money, chapter 24: “The enlargement of the functions of government…

…[is] the only practicable means of avoiding the destruction of existing economic forms in their entirety and as the condition of the successful functioning of individual initiative…. If effective demand is deficient, not only is [there] the public scandal of wasted resources… but the individual enterpriser… is operating with the odds loaded against him… many zeros, so that the players as a whole will lose if they have the energy and hope to deal all the cards. Hitherto the increment of the world’s wealth has fallen short of the aggregate of positive individual savings; and the difference has been made up by the losses of those whose courage and initiative have not been supplemented by exceptional skill or unusual good fortune. But if effective demand is adequate, average skill and average good fortune will be enough…

Only in a high-pressure economy, Keynes says, will the “increment of wealth”–the value of productive capital and organizations created–match “the aggregate of positive individual savings”–the amount of resources devoted to trying to boost productive capacity. In a low-pressure economy, a lot of investments that could pay off from a tastes-and-technologies standpoint won’t because of slack demand, and so perfectly-productive factories and organizations will be scrapped and shut down.

And we have to add on to this the perspective, derived from Granovetter, that a great deal of the societal resource-allocation capital of the labor market is the social network of loose ties generated that nobody gets paid for, and is thus a spillover; the perspective, derived from Saxenian, that a great deal of the societal resource-allocation capital of the value chain is the social network of overlapping communities of engineering practice generated that nobody gets paid for, and is thus a spillover; and the perspective derived from Hayek that a great deal of the societal resource-allocation capital of the price system is the revelation by market prices of societal scarcities and values that nobody could calculate on their own, and that nobody gets paid for generating, and is thus a spillover. Externalities all over the place here!

The question is: why did people ever assume otherwise? Yes, a linear Phillips Curve is simple to work with. Yes, the assumption that the rate of inflation expected next year is simply actual inflation last year seems like a not unreasonable rule-of-thumb. But you have to put very great weight on both–weight that the past decade has conclusively proven they cannot bear–to even conclude the business cycles are fluctuations around rather than falls below sustainable levels of production. And you are still absolutely nowheresville with respect to the invariance of potential growth to cyclical conditions.

Must-Read: Noah Smith: Case-Deaton and the Human Capital Debate

Noah Smith: Case-Deaton and the Human Capital Debate: “A tendency toward healthy behavior is a powerful and important form…

…of human capital. It is not at all clear that this kind of human capital can (or will) be created by MOOCs, self-study, or other forms of online learning that are being touted as replacements for college. In fact, right now it looks like the health-related human capital boost from college is all that is holding it together for our upper middle class.

Must-Read: Marshall Steinbaum: Thomas Piketty at the University of Chicago

Must-Read: It is genuinely surprising to me that Kevin Murphy thinks that Katz and Murphy (1992) is still close to the last word on inequality. And it is beyond genuinely surprising that Steve Durlauf thinks that Bill Gates’s wealth was acquired by merit and John D. Rockefeller’s by monopoly when they are both winners in gigantic winner-take-all natural-monopoly markets–a natural-monopoly created by economies of scale in refining and distribution in the case of oil, and by write-once run-everywhere protected by patent and copyright in the case of operating systems:

Marshall Steinbaum: Free-Market Dogmatism Still Going Strong at the University of Chicago: “A discussion between Piketty and… Kevin Murphy and Steven Durlauf…

…with Jim Heckman acting as moderator…. [Murphy] thinks that his 1992 paper with Lawrence Katz, which tried to explain the dynamics of the college wage premium in the 1970s and 1980s with reference to the supply and demand for skilled labor in the form of workers with a college degree, constitutes the final word… [even though] its model fails at explaining… labor market outcomes… since… [and relies on the residual of] skills-biased technical change: the Ghost in the Free Market Economics Machine….

Piketty started things off by claiming that… globalization and skill-biased technical change… don’t explain the phenomena… closed with what I consider a profound restatement of why Capital in the 21st Century is such an important book:

The gap between [the] official discourse and what’s actually going on is enormous. The tendency is for the winner to justify inequality with meritocracy. It’s important to put these claims up for public discussion.

Durlauf… said, quite reasonably, that the key mechanism of inequality is segregation, because it translates individual inequality into entrenched deprivation, and that its policy implications are therefore to foster integration in a variety of contexts….

Murphy’s presentation was where the wheels came off, intellectually speaking. He declared… by regurgitating his 1992 paper… [saying] “that theory has done an amazing job,” including a cryptic statement about how it explains the rise of tail inequality “if you extrapolate,” whatever that means…. Murphy stepped forward once again to declare that the economy’s “natural supply response of supplying capital” will help workers by reducing the capital share and increasing their productivity…. Durlauf asserted in his JPE review of C21 that no one thinks like Clark anymore, with his quasi-moralistic view of the efficient functioning of capital formation and the adjustment of its rate of return. Unfortunately, Durlauf’s empirical prediction was falsified by Murphy right there on that stage…. Murphy added that in the absence of better education, “The march of technology over time means there’s little for someone with no human capital to do.”… Then things got weird. Durlauf… [said] what mattered was [Americans’] perception of [inequality’s] source: whether justified by merit, as in the case of Bill Gates, or extracted through monopolization, as with John D. Rockefeller. At that, Piketty quipped that Bill Gates certainly agrees….

Murphy[‘s]… idea seems to be that the poor, benighted though they are, will adopt the morally correct position of looking out for their own interest by acquiring an education, so long as the incentive to do so is preserved by avoiding progressive taxation. Usually the fallacy in the moral philosophy of economics… is to argue that whatever reality exists is for the best…. In this case, though, the “ought” is a priori: people should be selfish. For that reason, they probably will be, so long as the status quo is maintained as an instructive lesson in the disaster befalling anyone not born rich…. Durlauf made a final, inscrutable point… saying that we should directly address the harms caused by inequality, by which he was referring to capture of the political system by the wealthy…

Why ‘disgorging the cash’ can undermine economic growth

Photo of money by serp77, veer.com 

Two weeks ago, New York University economist Michael Spence and former Federal Reserve governor Kevin Warsh published an op-ed in the Wall Street Journal about U.S. monetary policy that provoked a spirited response. They argued that quantitative easing—the Federal Reserve’s program of buying long-term bonds and mortgage securities—actually depressed business investment instead of boosting it. (Former Treasury Secretary Larry Summers and our own Brad DeLong were, in a word, confused by this line of thinking.)

While Spence and Warsh’s logic does seem flawed, business investment growth has been quite weak over the course of this recovery. Why this investment recovery has been so weak, however, may have less to do with monetary policy and rather the functioning of the financial market.

Earlier this year, John Jay College economist and Roosevelt Institute fellow J.W. Mason published a paper called “Disgorge the Cash,” arguing that the U.S. financial system has become less about funneling money to companies who invest it and more about getting cash out of firms. The paper received quite a bit of attention, both positive and negative, so Mason released a new paper last Friday expanding on the topic and answering some criticism.

One such criticism is the idea that business investment was fine during the past two decades, so there’s no need to worry about this disgorgement. Mason shows, however, that business investment growth has actually been very weak during this recovery. In fact, not only is the current investment recovery is the weakest on record, but the second-weakest recovery was the one immediately prior starting in 2001.

This weak growth is especially confusing given the trends in factors we might think would boost investment. For one, investment growth was quite weak even though long-term interest rates were on the decline during the 2000s. And if we think investment is more related to profits, then the weakness of investment growth is also confusing as corporate profits were quite high during this time period.

Mason points at the financial sector as a big culprit. Some have argued that the share buybacks Mason and others have highlighted are merely the recycling of funds from mature companies to new, dynamic firms that will use the funds more productively. But if you look at the sheer amount of shareholder payouts in 2014 ($1.2 trillion), it dwarfs the amount of money going to new companies in the form of initial public offerings and venture capital ($200 billion). For every dollar the system invests in these newer firms, it takes out $6 from older public firms.

Mason’s research paints a grim picture. A well-functioning financial system is supposed to channel savings to their most productive use. Instead, the U.S. system, in total, seems to be more interested in getting money out of firms and into the accounts of wealthy shareholders. As a companion Roosevelt Institute report also released Friday points out, it will take pulling on multiple policy levers to reverse this kind of massive trend. It seems we need to find many levers in order to move the financial world.