Must-Read: David Leonhardt: ‘Chicagonomics’ and ‘Economics Rules’

Must-Read: David Leonhardt: ‘Chicagonomics’ and ‘Economics Rules’: “Adam Smith’s modern reputation is a caricature…

…He was a giant of the Enlightenment in large part because he was a careful and nuanced thinker. He certainly believed that a market economy was a powerful force for good…. Yet he did not have a religious faith in the market…. Lanny Ebenstein’s mission, in ‘Chicagonomics,’ is to rescue not only Smith from his caricature but also some of Smith’s modern-day acolytes: the economists who built the so-called Chicago school of economics…. Ebenstein argues that the message of the Chicago school has nonetheless been perverted in recent years. Many members of the Chicago school subscribed to ‘classical liberalism,’ in Ebenstein’s preferred term, rather than ‘contemporary libertarianism.’…

Dani Rodrik… has written a much less political book than Ebenstein has, titled ‘Economics Rules,’ in which he sets out to explain the discipline to outsiders (and does a nice job)…. Rodrik has diagnosed the central mistake… [of] contemporary libertarians have made… conflat[ing] ideas that often make sense with those that always make sense. Some of this confusion is deliberate… act[ing] as a kind of lobbyist working on behalf of the affluent…

Must-Read: Mark Thoma: Clinton on Glass-Steagall: Right or Wrong?

Must-Read: Mark Thoma: Clinton on Glass-Steagall: Right or Wrong?: “Hillary Clinton said she opposed reimplementing the Glass-Steagall Act…

…which had been repealed in 1999. When the financial crisis struck in 2008, many people blamed the disaster on the removal of the restrictions Glass-Steagall had imposed on banks. However, the evidence doesn’t support this claim, which makes Clinton correct. But that doesn’t mean ending Glass-Steagall was a good idea or that repeal could never cause the kinds of problems that lead to a financial crisis, which makes her wrong…. Even though the repeal of Glass-Steagall didn’t cause the most recent financial crisis, why leave the risk in place?

Those opposed to reimplementing the Glass-Steagall sort of restrictions argue it would hamper bank activities and leave them at a disadvantage. But that’s largely because the banks aren’t the ones who will pay the bill if they’re wrong. In fact, they would likely get bailed out…. The costs associated with Glass-Steagall restrictions on bank activities are small relative to the benefits of avoiding another financial crisis, and the objections of the financial industry shouldn’t stand in the way of a more stable financial system.

Must-Read: Mark Thoma: An Essential Part of Job Creation Policy Is Missing

Must-Read: Mark Thoma: An Essential Part of Job Creation Policy Is Missing: “Candidates have focused on how to create jobs that pay a decent wage…

…But there is an important facet of job creation that is being left out… the opportunity for advancement. People are taught that if they play by the rules, do well in school, go to college, find a job, and then show up every day and work hard, they will be rewarded. Over time they will move up the job ladder, their income will rise, and a time will come when life won’t be such a struggle. That won’t happen to everyone, of course, but workers need to be able to see a path to a better life. But the dream has faded….

As the opportunities to move up the job and income ladder have diminished over time, workers become discouraged, disenfranchised, and look for someone to blame. It’s immigrants, unfair opportunities granted to others through affirmative action, globalization that allows labor to be exploited in other countries at a cost to U.S. jobs – the list goes on and on. In many, if not most cases, the blame is misplaced, but the underlying anger with a system that broke its promise about “playing by the rules” is more than understandable. My goal is not to suggest some magical solution that will fix this problem quickly. It’s a difficult problem that will take time and concerted effort on a variety of fronts…M

What is the free-market solution to a liquidity trap? Higher inflation!

Three seventeen-year old quotes from Paul Krugman (Paul R. Krugman (1998): It’s Baaack: Japan’s Slump and the Return of the Liquidity Trap, Brookings Papers on Economic Activity 1998:2 (Fall), pp. 137-205):

Suppose that the required real rate of interest is negative; then the economy ‘needs’ inflation, and an attempt by the central bank to achieve price stability will lead to a zero nominal interest rate and excess cash holdings…

And:

In a flexible-price economy, the necessity of a negative real interest rate [for equilibrium] does not cause unemployment…. The economy deflates now in order to provide inflation later…. This fall in the price level occurs regardless of the current money supply, because any excess money will simply be hoarded, rather than added to spending…. The central bank- which finds itself presiding over inflation no matter what it does, [but] this [flexible-price version of the liquidity] trap has no adverse real consequences…

And:

A liquidity trap economy is “naturally” an economy with inflation; if prices were completely flexible, it would get that inflation regardless of monetary policy, so a deliberately inflationary policy is remedying a distortion rather than creating one…

Thinking about these three quotes has led me to change my rules for reading Paul Krugman.

My rules were, as you remember:

  1. Paul Krugman is right.
  2. If you think Paul Krugman is wrong, refer to (1).

They are now:

  1. Paul Krugman is right.
  2. If you think Paul Krugman is wrong, refer to (1).
  3. And even if you thought Paul Krugman was right already, go reread and study him more diligently–for he is right at a deeper and subtler level than you would think possible.

Let us imagine a fully-flexible distortion-free free-market economy–the utopia of the Randites. Let us consider how it would respond should people suddenly become more pessimistic about the future.

People feel poorer. Feeling poorer, people want to spend less now. However, today’s productive capacity has not fallen. Thus the market economy, in order to incentivize people to keep spending now at a rate high enough to maintain full employment, drops the real interest rate. It thus makes the future more expensive relative to the present, and makes it sufficiently more expensive to incentivize keeping real spending now high enough to maintain full employment.

The real interest rate has two parts. It is equal to:

  1. the nominal interest rate,
  2. minus the inflation rate.

If money demand in the economy is interest elastic, the fall in the real interest rate will take the form of adjustments in both pieces. First, the free-market flexible-price distortion-free economy’s equilibrium will shift to drop the nominal interest rate. Second, the equilibrium will also shift to drop price level will drop immediately and instantaneously. Then the subsequent rebound of the price level back to normal produces the inflation that is the other part of The adjustment of the real interest rate.

If money demand takes the peculiar form of a cash-in-advance constraint, then:

  1. the interest elasticity of money demand is zero as long as the interest-rate is positive, and then
  2. the interest elasticity of money demand is infinite when the interest-rate hits zero.

In this case, the process of adjustment of the real interest rate in response to bad news about the future has two stages. In the first stage, 100% of the fall in the real interest rate is carried by a fall in the nominal interest rate, as the price level stays put because the velocity of money remains constant at the maximum technologically-determined rate allowed by the cash-in-advance constraint. In the second stage, once the nominal interest rate hits zero, and there is no longer any market incentive to spend cash keeping velocity up, 100% of the remaining burden of adjustment rests on the expected rebound inflation produced by an immediate and instantaneous fall in the price level. These two stages together carry the real interest rate down to where it needs to be, in order to incentivize the right amount of spending to preserve full employment.

The free-market solution to the problem created by an outbreak of pessimism about the future is thus to drop the nominal interest rate and then, if that does not solve the problem, to generate enough inflation in order to solve the problem.

Now we do not have the free-market distortion-free flexible-price economy that is the utopia of the Randites. We have an economy with frictions and distortions, in which the job of the central bank is to get price signals governing behavior to values as close as possible to those that the free-market distortion-free flexible-price economy that is the utopia of the Randites would produce.

In particular, our economy has sticky prices in the short run. There can be no instantaneous drop in the price level to generate expectations of an actual rebound inflation. If the central bank confines its policies to simply reducing the nominal interest rate while attempting to hold its inflation target constant, it may fail to maintain full employment. Even with the nominal interest rate at zero, the fact that the price level is sticky in the short-run may mean that the real interest rate is still too high: there may still be insufficient incentive to get spending to the level needed to preserve full employment.

A confident central bank, however, would understand that its task is to compensate for the macroeconomic distortions and mimic the free-market flexible-price full-employment equilibrium outcome. It would understand that proper policy is to set out a path for the money stock and for the future price level that produces the decline in the real interest rates that the flexible-price market economy would have generated automatically.

Thus a confident central bank would view generating higher inflation in a liquidity trap not as imposing an extra distortion on the economy, but repairing one. The free-market flexible-price distortion-free economy of Randite utopia would generate inflation in a liquidity trap in order to maintain full employment–via this instantaneous and immediate initial drop in the price level. A central bank in a sticky price economy cannot generate this initial price-level drop. But it can do second-best by generating the inflation.

All of my points above are implicit–well, actually, more than implicit: they are explicit, albeit compressed–in Paul Krugman’s original 1998 liquidity trap paper.

And yet I did not come to full consciousness that they were explicit until I had, somewhat painfully, rethought them myself, and then picked up on them when I reread Krugman (1998).

On the one hand, I should not feel too bad: very few other economists have realized these points.

On the other hand, I should feel even worse: as best as I can determine, no North Atlantic central bankers have recognized these points laid out in Paul Krugman’s original 1998 liquidity trap paper.

Central bankers, instead, have regarded and do regard exceeding the previously-expected level of inflation as a policy defeat. No central bankers recognize it as a key piece of mimicking the free-market full-employment equilibrium response to a liquidity trap. None see it as an essential part of their performing the adjustment of intertemporal prices to equilibrium values that their flexible-price benchmark economy would automatically perform, and that they are supposed to undertake in making Say’s Law true in practice.

But why has this lesson not been absorbed by policymakers? It’s not as though Krugman (1998) is unknown, or rarely read, is it?

It amazes me how much of today’s macroeconomic debate is laid out explicitly–in compressed form, but explicitly–in Krugman’s (1998) paper and in the comments by Dominguez and Rogoff, especially Rogoff…

Weekend reading

This is a weekly post we publish on Fridays with links to articles that touch on economic inequality and growth. The first section is a round-up of what Equitable Growth has published this week and the second is work we’re highlighting from elsewhere. We won’t be the first to share these articles, but we hope by taking a look back at the whole week, we can put them in context.

Equitable Growth round-up

The recent pushes to increase the federal minimum wage to $12 or $15 would result in hikes at the upper bound of, or above the range of, previous increases we’ve seen in the United States. Because we can’t look at the academic research when it comes to these proposals, perhaps we should look at the historical and international comparisons.

The rate at which U.S. workers move to different states and counties has been on the decline for several decades now. This change has significant effects on how workers respond to job losses. And the evidence suggests that this decline in migration is due to changes in the labor market.

Equitable Growth launched a new series this week that looks back at the history of technological change and policy reactions to it in hopes of finding lessons for the future. Read the introduction from Jonathan Moreno.

In the first report in the series, Harvard University historian Matthew Hersch looks at the development of the aerospace industry in Southern California as a case study in equitable growth.

In the United States and other high-income countries, corporations are investing far less than they used to, resulting in increased savings by corporations. These savings and their eventual destination have potentially significant implications for economic growth and stability.

Links from around the web

Isabella Kaminska also takes a look at the decline in corporate investment in high-income countries. She focuses on the role of information technology in decreasing investment, and argues that the move toward tech firms that shoot for monopolies is “shrinking the pie.” [ft alphaville]

Japan has been dealing with the problem of deflation for more than 20 years now. The problem has yet to be solved, and alarmingly it might be spreading. Greg Ip argues that the conditions that led to deflation in Japan are appearing once again in China. [wsj]

After decades when they would have settled in the suburbs, young U.S. workers are increasingly moving to central cities. What’s causing this shift? As Lydia DePillis explains, a new working paper argues that a key driver is the desire for leisure time among more educated workers. [wonkblog]

Upon the release of new data on household debt, several researchers at the Federal Reserve Bank of New York dig into data on auto loans. Among their many insights, the staffers show that auto finance companies are the largest source of subprime auto loans, and their lending is increasing. [liberty street economics]

When it comes to retirement savings plans, defined contribution plans, such as 401(k) plans, dominate the private sector. The public sector, however, is still a bastion for traditional defined benefit pensions. Justin Fox argues that pensions can be great—they just have to be managed well. [bloomberg view]

Friday figure

Figure from “What happened to the job ladder in the 21st century?” by Marshall Steinbaum and Austin Clemens

Must-Reads Found Up to Lunchtime on November 20, 2015


Must-Read: John Authers: Number-Crunchers Lift Lid on Investor Choice

Must-Read: This is what Akerlof and Shiller’s Phishing for Phools is about…

John Authers: Number-Crunchers Lift Lid on Investor Choice: “Retail investors…fatally drawn to chasing performance…

…buying high, selling low… heighten[ing] the peaks and lower[ing] the troughs…. In aggregate, all the money attracted by funds in that era went to funds that could show the strongest ratings (which are largely a function of performance)…. Past performance does not predict future performance. But it utterly controls what the consumer will ultimately buy….

Given a choice between two otherwise identical funds, Americans will take the cheaper one. Europeans will not…. In the US, investment advisers tend to be paid by fee, rather than commission, and have no incentive to advise otherwise…. But Americans are not as smart as all that. High turnover… is a bad idea…. Yet funds with a high turnover in the US tend to attract more than 0.5 per cent more in inflows each month…. Most counter-intuitively, and alarmingly… older than average funds… suffer outflows at a rate of 2.77 per cent of their assets each month….

Ultimately, funds are sold the same way as other branded goods. Marketers spot where the demand is moving, and launch something new that can be hyped. All the interest and selling action focuses on recent launches, while older products are gradually neglected, and watch money ebb out over time. It is not a great way to allocate capital…

Must-Read: Simon Wren-Lewis: Politically Impossible

Must-Read: The writer, BTW, is Chris Giles. In light of this, does the almost-always excellent Financial Times have a significant quality-control problem here?

Simon Wren-Lewis: Politically Impossible: “An article in the Financial Times recently said of me…

…‘He has opposed deficit reduction when the economy was weak and when it was strong.’ Ah yes, this would be the same economist who has suggested the left aims to reduce the current deficit (all current spending less revenue) to zero, that pre-crisis fiscal policy in the Euro periphery should have been much more contractionary, and has championed fiscal councils as a way of eliminating deficit bias.

Should I have demanded a retraction? I didn’t: life is short, maybe it was a kind of joke, or even a misprint, and if not perhaps it said more about the writer than it did about me…. Equally it makes no sense obsessing about the need to reduce deficits in a recession and then turning a blind eye when surpluses are spent in a boom. Unfortunately just that kind of inconsistent thinking became hard-wired in the form of the Stability and Growth Pact (SGP), with its focus on a limit of 3% for deficits. Those who say that all that was wrong with the SGP is that it was not enforced have learnt nothing. This is why we need to move influence away from the Commission and towards independent national fiscal councils.

Must-Read: Megan McArdle: Why Democrats Fixate on Glass-Steagall

Must-Read: The reason to repeal the repeal of Glass-Steagall is that (1) it has not led to increased competition and lower fees in investment banking, and (2) it creates a point of vulnerability at which financiers can make bets with the government’s money. narrow-banking advocate Milton Friedman was especially shrill on this point: that deposit insurance was necessary, but that banks with government-insured deposits should be restricted to buying Treasuries and only Treasuries:

Megan McArdle: Why Democrats Fixate on Glass-Steagall: “Team Steagles… seem[s] to have become a powerful force in the Democratic Party…

…The provisions limiting the entrance of commercial banks into investment activities (and vice versa) were gradually relaxed, and then abolished with Gramm-Leach-Bliley (the Financial Services Modernization Act of 1999). Calls to ‘bring back Glass-Steagall’ are, in fact, almost always calls to bring back this one provision…. It would be an amusing and depressing exercise to get any of these candidates in a room with some economists and ask them to explain how Glass-Steagall could have prevented the 2008 crisis. For there is a small problem with the Steagles argument: It’s very hard to think of the mechanism by which the repeal of this rule made any significant contribution to the meltdown….

This is why you don’t hear a lot of experts calling for the return of this rule. Those who do want it reinstated don’t claim that it would have prevented the financial crisis. For example, I quote Raj Date and Mike Konczal of the left-wing Roosevelt Institute, from their paper ‘Out of the Shadows: Creating a 21st Century Glass Steagall’: ‘The loosening of Glass-Steagall prohibitions did not directly lead to the financial crisis of the past few years.’ Why, then, do so many people want it back?  Fighting ‘Too Big to Fail.’… Moral hazard/protecting the taxpayer…. Exotic political economy arguments… [that] are hard to prove or disprove….

Glass-Steagall… is the perfect Washington Issue: a proposal of negligible impact but great popular charm. It is a way for politicians to sound as if they are addressing some major problem without having to go to the trouble of actually doing so. Glass-Steagall’s major appeal is not that it would work, but that it can be explained in under a minute to someone who doesn’t know anything about financial markets…