Why Is David Brooks So Opposed to Thinking About Policies for Equitable Growth?: Focus

The extremely estimable (but unfortunately ill: we very much hope that he and his doctors and nurses restore him to his normal superb weblogging and life-enjoying form quickly) Kevin Drum flags what he (correctly) calls “a bit of an odd column today”(http://www.motherjones.com/kevin-drum/2015/03/yes-education-matters-its-not-answer-growing-income-inequality) from David Brooks.

I cannot be the only one to find that David Brooks’s failure to either type links into his pieces nor find it worthwhile to refer to those he is criticizing by name makes his columns hard to decode.

But I think today it is worth the effort. Let us start with:

David Brooks: The Temptation of Hillary: “For many years, Democratic efforts to reduce inequality and lift middle-class wages…

…were based on the theory that the key is to improve the skills of workers. Expand early education. Make college cheaper. Invest in worker training. Above all, increase the productivity of workers so they can compete. But a growing number of populist progressives have been arguing that inequality is not mainly about education levels. They argue that trying to lift wages by improving skills is an ‘evasion.’ It’s ‘whistling past the graveyard’…

Who are these “populist progressives”?

Well, they are, among others, Lawrence H. Summers:

Lawrence Summers: The Future of Work: “Whether you think it is due to technology or to globalization or to the mal-distribution of political power…

…something very serious is happening in our society…. I think the [education] policies that Aneesh is talking about are largely whistling past the graveyard. The core problem is that there aren’t enough jobs. If you help some people, you could help them get the jobs, but then someone else won’t get the jobs. Unless you’re doing things that have things that are effecting the demand for jobs, you’re helping people win a race to get a finite number of jobs…

It is the “whistling past the graveyard” that is the flag.

If you are an insider you know that Brooks is talking about Larry. If you are an outsider, you don’t. And if you are an insider, you also know that Larry Summers is much more often classified as a “neoliberal” than a “populist progressive” in intellectual beastiaries. So something is going on here…

Brooks continues:

The real problem, some of them say, is concentrated political power…. Others say the problem is stagnation… the private economy isn’t generating jobs. Or it’s about corporate power…. People in this camp point out that inflation-adjusted wages for college grads have been flat for the past 14 years. Education apparently hasn’t lifted wages. The implication? Don’t focus on education for the bottom 99 percent. Focus on spreading wealth from the top. Don’t put human capital first. Put redistribution first…

And here I gotta say two things:

  1. No quote–not from Larry, not from anybody else. The “don’t focus on education for the bottom 99%” isn’t Summers–or any other “populist progressive”. It is Brooks’s research assistants failing to find words in the record, and Brooks resorting to putting words into the mouths of others.

  2. If Brooks had insisted on a quote from the author of the “whistling past the graveyard” phrase, he would have exploded his thesis sky high.

From last month:

Lawrence Summers and Ed Balls: Report of the Commission on Inclusive Prosperity: “Many kinds of public investment–including spending on public transportation, water, power, education, and research and development–have positive social rates of return when executed well… and such investments may even pay for themselves….

Expand educational opportunity to increase human capital and support economic mobility: Supporting early childhood education: …Evaluations of high-quality preschool programs in Boston, Massachusetts, and Tulsa, Oklahoma, for example, showed that children gained an additional year of learning in language, reading, and math. These gains in the early years go on to positively affect everything from high school graduation rates to lifetime earnings… make the most profound difference in the lives of low-income children and children of color….

Eliminating financial barriers to higher education: As recently as 1996, the United States had the second highest share of adults who earned postsecondary education credentials and the highest share of adults with university degrees…. The United States is also showing more-pronounced downward educational mobility. Twenty-nine percent of American men and 17 percent of American women had less education than their parents, compared with the OECD average of 19 percent for men and 13 percent for women…. We should make higher education virtually free at a community college or a public four-year college so that all high school graduates and their families have no doubt that they can afford higher education….

There is a clear need to develop and expand the skills of workers who do not go to university…. Apprenticeship is good example of skills training that has worked in many advanced economies…. Switzerland, Germany, and Austria have long-established apprenticeship systems that are renowned for their high quality. A majority of young people from these three countries enter the workforce through apprenticeships, which are available across a wide range of sectors and occupations…

Does that sound like: “Don’t focus on education for the bottom 99 percent. Focus on spreading wealth from the top. Don’t put human capital first. Put redistribution first…” to you?

I thought not.

Those quotes from the Center for American Progress’s Report of the Commission on Inclusive Prosperity are as accessible to Brooks’s research assistants as is the “whistling past the graveyard” quote, which comes from Summers’s argument that education policies have limited–not zero, limited–purchase on reducing inequality. Not limited purchase on spurring growth, mind you. Limited purchase on reducing inequality.

So then Brooks half-backtracks:

Over the past few months a stream… have moved from the human capital emphasis to the redistributionist emphasis. (It’s a matter of emphasis, not strictly either/or)…

But then re-reverses and says not that the need for redistribution is overemphasized but rather that it is “wrong”:

Unfortunately, this rising theory is wrong on substance and damaging in its effects….

And Brooks then proceeds to make a remarkable statement:

Since 2000, the real incomes of the top 1 percent have declined slightly. If you limited your view to just those years, you’d conclude that there is no inequality problem, which is clearly not true…

He is looking at the white-triangles line in this graph from Piketty and Saez–a graph he does not link to, and which he does not cite:

Screenshot 3 9 15 8 47 PM

Brooks does not remind his readers that the year-2000 was a boom year, in which capital gains realizations boosted the incomes of the financial sector and of the superrich in general above their trend, while 2013 was not. A global warming denier might look at the white-triangles line and say that there is a sense in which the rich today have lower incomes and are less well-off than the rich of 2000. Nobody else would.

And, indeed, if Brooks had printed that graph alongside his column, he would have exploded his thesis sky high–for the trend of the income of the top 1% since 2000 has not been a slight decline but a rise.

I find it… distressing and disturbing… that Brooks refers to this graph without providing his readers with a link to it.

I find something else more disturbing: Only somebody who knew that starting in 2000 misrepresented current trends would even think to start in 2000–rather than in 2003, for the past ten years of data, or 1995 or 2001 or 2004, to compare mid-business cycle observations. Only somebody really up on the data would know that the just-released 2013 Piketty-Saez estimate is lower than the 2000 number. This is not a calculation that you would think to make and report unless you already knew that it tended to produce a distorted impression in your readers.

Makes it damned difficult to have a good faith, substantive policy dialogue.

Just saying.

Brooks continues:

The redistributionists seem to believe that modern capitalism is fundamentally broken. That growth has permanently stagnated. That productivity should no longer be the focus because it doesn’t lead to shared prosperity. But their view is biased by temporary evidence from the recession. Right now, jobs are being created, wages are showing signs of life. Those who get more skills earn more money. Today’s economy has challenges, but the traditional rules still apply. Increasing worker productivity is the key. Increasing incentives to risk and invest is essential. Shifting people into low-productivity government jobs is not the answer.

It’s clear why Clinton might want to talk redistribution. On substantive policy grounds, it would be destructive to do so. And, in the general election, voters respond to the uplifting and the unifying, not the combative and divisive.

As somebody who works for a think tank called the Washington Center for Equitable Growth, let me say that what we–and every single other “populist progressive” I can see right now, including Lawrence H. Summers–want is equitable growth. That has two parts: The first is equitable–which involves distributing the fruits of the economy less unfairly than the past generation’s trends have led them to be distributed. The second is growth–in which education has, as Larry and Ed point out at exhaustive length, a major role to play.

Brooks is, I think, playing a particular rhetorical game here.

His point is to claim that anybody talking about the “equitable” part at all is unconcerned with and ignoring the growth part. And so talking about the “equitable” part at all then becomes “combative and divisive”.

Now at some level he knows that this is not really true. We know that from the absence of quotes downplaying education from really existing “populist progressives”. We know that from the parenthetical half-backtrack of “(It’s a matter of emphasis, not strictly either/or)”. I, at least, sense a little uneasiness here–as if Brooks knows that he has gone over the line.

This is, however, another weight pointlessly added to our burden.

There will now be New York Times readers roaming the earth who have read David Brooks in good faith, and who will repeat sound bites like “the top 1% today are poorer than they were in 2000!” and “Hillary Rodham Clinton’s political advisors are opposed to spending more money on American education!”

This makes it harder for those of us who are trying to carry on a substantive policy dialogue to actually do so.

And let me give the last word to Kevin Drum, who–more politely–is as dismayed as I am at the unhelpfulness of this contribution by Brooks:

I don’t quite get who Brooks is arguing against here. Larry Summers… has been clear that he thinks education is important, both individually and for the economy as a whole… just doesn’t think… [it] likely to have much impact on growing income inequality…. Brooks never even pretends to address this. I don’t think there are any prominent Democrats arguing that education isn’t important. Pretty much all of them are on board with good early-childhood education and better community colleges… [to] help individuals and make the American economy stronger. But will it rein in growing income inequality? As long as inequality is driven primarily by the gains of the top 1 percent–which it is–then it won’t. To address that particular problem, we have to look elsewhere.

Lunchtime Must-Read: Jonathan Chait: Dan Pfeiffer on How White House Learned to Be Liberal

Jonathan Chait: Dan Pfeiffer on How the White House Learned to Be Liberal: “Dan Pfeiffer… has been involved from the outset in navigating the central contradiction at the heart of Obama’s public persona…

…He ran as a figure who could overcome partisan polarization, yet he has instead presided over more of it despite accomplishing the majority of the substantive agenda he promised. Obama and his spokespeople have spent most of their administration quietly at war with the conventional wisdom in Washington over the cause of this failure…. Structural forces… rising polarization… the disintegration of restrictions on campaign finance… the news media… people select only sources that will confirm their preexisting beliefs. All of this combined makes communication with Republicans mostly hopeless…. Demographic change will eventually force Republicans to compete with Democrats for some of the same voters, reopening a national political conversation….

The original premise of Obama’s first presidential campaign was that he could reason with Republicans…. It took years for the White House to conclude that this was false, and that, in Pfeiffer’s words, ‘what drives 90 percent of stuff is not the small tactical decisions or the personal relationships but the big, macro political incentives.’ If you had to pinpoint the moment this worldview began to crystallize, it would probably be around the first debt-ceiling showdown, in 2011…. Ever since Republicans took control of the House four years ago, [Obama’s] attempts to court Republicans have mostly failed while simultaneously dividing Democratic voters. Obama’s most politically successful maneuvers, by contrast, have all been unilateral and liberal…. ‘There’s never been a time when we’ve taken progressive action and regretted it.’ This was deeply at odds with the lesson Bill Clinton and most of his aides (many of whom staffed Obama’s administration) had taken away from his presidency. But by the beginning of Obama’s second term, at least, the president seemed fully convinced…

Occupational Licensing and Antitrust Revisited: Teeth Whitening at the Supreme Court: Focus

Last week I noted my wife Ann Marie’s:

**Ann Marie Marciarille**: [Teeth Whitening at the Supreme Court: Occupational Licensing and Antitrust Law](http://marciarille.com/): “The Supreme Court’s 6-3 opinion in North Carolina State Board of Dental Examiners vs. FTC… is out…

>…a poster child for the clear articulation and active supervision standards required to determine whether an anticompetitive policy is indeed the policy of a given state, and entitled to immunity…. North Carolina’s Dental Board functioned more as a trade association with super powers granted to it by the state–apparently with an open-ended portfolio of responsibilities relating to dentistry in the state…. The dissent argues the delegation was valid….

>Whatever you think of the dissent, Justice Alito is spot on when he notes that the majority opinion is potentially quite disruptive for state medical licensing boards… long… under full sway of the regulated health professions…. We have almost no tradition of genuine state regulation of doctors, dentists, and optometrists other than the North Carolina Dental Board model…. If we aim to take it over it will not be a taking it back, but a taking it on–an invention out of whole cloth.

Now we have the sharp Rebecca Haw Allensworth and Aaron Edlin in the *Wall Street Journal**:

**Rebecca Haw Allensworth and Aaron Edlin**: [Letting Dentists Feel the Bite of Competition – WSJ](http://www.wsj.com/articles/rebecca-haw-allensworth-and-aaron-edlin-letting-dentists-feel-the-bite-of-competition-1425855260): “A little-noticed dental cartel in the U.S. received a long-deserved legal root canal on Feb. 25…

>…In 2006… the North Carolina State Board of Dental Examiners banned salons, spas and other businesses from offering teeth-whitening services…. The FTC sued, arguing that the move constituted unfair competition…. The upshot…. Many professional boards in the U.S. will be vulnerable to antitrust suits for anticompetitive regulations…. The stakes are high, as roughly 30% of the U.S. workforce needs an occupational license….

>The changes that states must enact to immunize boards from litigation will make regulation more transparent…. Boards comprised of some licensed professionals–not a majority–and rounded out with members representing other interests such as consumers or safety experts are more likely to be immune from lawsuits…. States could also avoid antitrust lawsuits by actively supervising board activities… review the substance… not simply the procedure…. The states have another option: Do nothing…. If board regulations are designed to address real problems, as the professionals often argue, they have little to worry about…. The Supreme Court… has taken an important step toward restoring competition in these licensed professions.

The remarkable thing to me is that [the dissent](http://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/14pdf/13-534_19m2.pdf) drew three–THREE!–votes: Alito, Scalia, and Thomas:

>The Court’s decision in this case is based on a serious misunderstanding of the doctrine of state-action antitrust immunity…. The Sherman Act does not prevent the States from continuing their age-old practice of enacting measures, such as licensing requirements, that are designed to protect the public health and welfare. The case now before us involves precisely this type of state regulation…. The Court [says]… the Board is not structured in a way that merits a good-government seal of approval… is made up of practicing dentists who have a financial incentive to use the licensing laws to further the financial interests of the State’s dentists….

>Professional and occupational licensing requirements have often been used in such a way…. [In the] Parker immunity… [case] the very state program involved in that case was unquestionably designed to benefit the regulated entities, California raisin growers. The question before us is not whether such programs serve the public interest. The question, instead, is whether this case is controlled by Parker…

Justice Kennedy–and the other five–would presumably reply that the California Agricultural Prorate Act did not delegate the state’s powers to a group of raisin growers and then cloak that group of raisin growers in the state’s antitrust immunity, and that if it had then Parker would (or should) have come out differently. And I, at least, would find that reply convincing.

What I do not find convincing is how Alito and company’s declaration in the first paragraph I quote that states are allowed to regulate commerce in the interest of “public health and welfare” has morphed by the end of the second to “the question is not… the public interest”. If you craft an exception so that states can serve the public interest, isn’t the scope of that exception properly drawn when actions taken under it do serve the public interest? What else could the question be?

And we have Alito, Thomas, and Scalia’s Parthian Shot:

>When the Court asks whether market participants control the North Carolina Board, the Court in essence is asking whether this regulatory body has been captured by the entities that it is supposed to regulate. Regulatory capture can occur in many ways. So why ask only whether the members of a board are active market participants? The answer may be that determining when regulatory capture has occurred is no simple task. That answer provides a reason for relieving courts from the obligation to make such determinations at all. It does not explain why it is appropriate for the Court to adopt the rather crude test for capture that constitutes the holding of today’s decision.

Again, this seems to make no sense. It is highly likely that regulatory capture has taken place when it leads to the delegation of state powers to a group of professionals drawn from only one side of a market. It is much less likely that regulatory capture has taken place when a regulatory board has members from diverse constituencies and when its actions are supervised by those elected by the voters. That the test is “crude” does not mean that it is a bad test–in fact, a crude test that is almost optimal is almost always a much better test than a complex one that would be optimal if it could be costlessly implemented. And that some rent-seeking and regulatory-capture remains outside is no more an argument for *laissez-faire* in this case than it would be for dropping laws against fraud.

Rather, Alito, Thomas, and Scalia’s opinions here seem to tie in rather well to one of Thomas Piketty’s major arguments. In a plutocracy, Piketty argues, the principal aim of government power is to preserve the rents that the rich have acquired and hold, not to advance societal welfare via increasing the efficiency of a competitive market.

Back when I first noticed the existence of right-wing law-and-economics as a movement, it argued that judges should make decisions to maximize the consumer surplus generated in a market (taking account of producer surplus would, it was thought, provide too much encouragement to rent-seeking). Then over the decades it shifted to maximizing the total of consumer plus producer surplus (as higher producer surplus would spur innovation, an activity with positive spillovers). Now it seems that the argument has become that judges should act not to enhance economic efficiency but rather simply to preserve property, even if the property is in the unusual form of the right to use the state’s antitrust immunity to shut down one’s competitors.

This is an interesting intellectual journey we seem to be on…

Things to Read at Lunchtime on March 9, 2015

Must- and Shall-Reads:

 

  1. Stan Collender: This Will Be The GOP Congress’ Last Chance For Salvation: “[In] the debate on the congressional budget resolution… neither of the two procedural impediments that stopped the GOP dead in its tracks on DHS will exist. That will give congressional Republicans the only chance they may get all year to impose their preferences…. Budget resolutions can’t be filibustered… [are] a concurrent resolution…. In theory, therefore… both houses [should] adopt a Republican-preferred version of a budget resolution…. But… it’s not obvious that any budget resolution acceptable to Senate Republicans will go far enough to appease the House GOP…. This will be the GOP Congress’ best… opportunity…. If they can’t even agree on a budget, it will be the GOP itself that is to blame and damnation will likely be ahead.”

  2. Sheryl Sandberg (2011): Barnard College Commencement: “Women all over the world, women who are exactly like us except for the circumstances into which they were born, [lack] basic human rights. Compared to these women, we are lucky…. We are equals under the law. But the promise of equality is not equality…. Men run the world…. I recognize that [today] is a vast improvement from generations in the past…. But… women became 50% of the college graduates in this country in 1981, 30 years ago. Thirty years is plenty of time for those graduates to have gotten to the top of their industries, but we are nowhere close to 50% of the jobs at the top. That means that when the big decisions are made, the decisions that affect all of our worlds, we do not have an equal voice at that table. So today, we turn to you. You are the promise for a more equal world…. Only when we get real equality in our governments, in our businesses, in our companies and our universities, will we start to solve… gender equality. We need women at all levels, including the top, to change the dynamic, reshape the conversation, to make sure women’s voices are heard and heeded, not overlooked and ignored…”

  3. Paul Krugman: Stagflation Predictions: “Matt O’Brien catches a piece by Dick Morris a few years ago predicting that Obama’s legacy would be stagflation. But I say, oh yeah? I’ll see your Dick Morris (who cares, really?) and raise you a… Paul Ryan: ‘Thirty Years Later, a Return to Stagflation.’ That was, if you check the date, six years ago. But it’s worth remembering that not all prominent Republicans were predicting 70s-style stagflation; some of them were predicting Weimar-style hyperinflation instead…”

  4. Nick Bunker: Weekend Reading: “Mike Konczal on… rebalanc[ing] ‘our intellectual portfolio of inequality stories.’ ATMs… [are not] technology displacing labor… reduce wealth inequality… by tax[ing] land… broken workers’ comp… France… family-friendly policies… no obvious relation between top tax rate and employment growth”

Should Be Aware of:

 

  1. Scott Lemieux: You Can’t Spell “Reformicon” Without “Con”: “Remember when Republicans were totally going to be the Party of Ideas (TM) because a small group of conservative intellectuals with little discernible influence on Republican legislators thought that George W. Bush-style supply side politics should be supplemented by some feints towards the middle class? Well, funny thing about that. Reformocon darlings Mike Lee and Marco Rubio have taken their massive regressive tax cut and made it… much, more more regressive, eliminating taxes on investment and inherited income entirely. So are reformocons upset about the betrayal? Is the Pope a Seventh Day Adventist? “Perhaps the fullest measure of the supply-siders’ triumph can be seen in the acquiescence of many of the reformicons themselves. Ramesh Ponnuru and Yuval Levin, both reform conservatives featured prominently in the Times story, responded to the new Lee-Rubio plan with fawning praise. James Pethokoukis, a reformist conservative, calls the plan “a big step toward persuading middle-income America that Republicans care about more than just the richest 1 percent.” (If this is a big step toward persuading America that Republicans care about more than the rich, what would the next step be? Legalizing servant-flogging?) Perhaps the reform conservatives have capitulated completely in the name of party unity. Or maybe they were misunderstood from the beginning and never proposed to deviate in any substantive way from the traditional platform of massively regressive, debt-financed tax-cutting. Either way, the movement has, for now, accomplished less than nothing.’ But, gee, I can’t wait to hear their alternative health care proposal!”

  2. Wisconsin Alumni Association: Forward Under 40: Trevon Logan ’99: “It’s no wonder that Trevon Logan was unanimously selected as co-chair of his Chancellor’s Scholars class at UW-Madison for three years in a row. His classmates knew even then: Logan was the sort of leader who inspired everyone to do their best. Today Logan is an award-winning teacher and scholar who recently became the youngest-ever president of the National Economic Association. He has also led several national initiatives to increase diversity in his field…”

  3. Joshua Benton (2012): 13 Ways of Looking at Medium: “The individual sought self-expression and an audience; the organization sought sustainability and cash money…. Facebook built a way for people to express themselves… to… their self-defined network of friends…. Twitter… built a way for people to express themselves, in a format that was genius in its limitations and in its old-media model of subscribe-and-follow…. Tumblr, Path, Foursquare, and a gazillion others have tried to pull off the same trick: Serve users by helping them find an outlet for personal expression, then build a business…. Medium… degrades authorship… is built around collections, not authors…. The author is there as a reference point to an identity layer–Twitter–not as an organizing principle…. Medium wants you to read something because of what it’s about. And because of the implicit promise that Medium = quality…. Medium believes in editorial judgment–but everyone’s an editor…. The tension between what’s good and what’s new is a long-standing one for online media, and privileging either comes with drawbacks…”

  4. John Herrman: The Next Internet Is TV: “Some of the most visible companies in internet media are converging…. Vox is now publishing directly to social networks and apps; BuzzFeed has a growing team of people dedicated to figuring out what BuzzFeed might look like without a website at the middle. Vice, already distributing a large portion of its video on Google’s YouTube, has a channel in Snapchat’s app, along with CNN, Comedy Central, ESPN, Cosmo and the Daily Mail…. Websites are unnecessary vestiges of a time before there were better ways to find things to look at on your computer or your phone. What happens next?… The gaps left by the websites we stop looking at will be filled with new things, and most people won’t really notice the change until it’s nearly done…. The grand weird promises of writing and reporting and film and art on the internet [will] consolidate… into a set of business interests that most closely resemble the TV industry…. Wasn’t the internet supposed to be BETTER, somehow, in all its broken decentralized chaos and glory? The TV industry, which is mediated at every possible point, is a brutal interface for culture and commerce…”

Morning Must-Read: Stan Collender: This Will Be The GOP Congress’ Last Chance For Salvation

Stan Collender: This Will Be The GOP Congress’ Last Chance For Salvation: “[In] the debate on the congressional budget resolution… neither of the two procedural impediments that stopped the GOP dead in its tracks on DHS will exist…

…That will give congressional Republicans the only chance they may get all year to impose their preferences…. Budget resolutions can’t be filibustered… [are] a concurrent resolution…. In theory, therefore… both houses [should] adopt a Republican-preferred version of a budget resolution…. But… it’s not obvious that any budget resolution acceptable to Senate Republicans will go far enough to appease the House GOP…. This will be the GOP Congress’ best… opportunity…. If they can’t even agree on a budget, it will be the GOP itself that is to blame and damnation will likely be ahead.

Bringing data to retirement discussions

As the leading edge of Baby Boomers enter retirement, the savings of this generation of 50-to-70 year olds is very much on the minds of economists and policymakers. When economists study consumption patterns, they frequently use a simple life cycle model where people save during their working years and then spend down during their retirement. While this seems reasonable on face, people in general do not spend down their assets as fast as these models would predict.

Researchers have suggested the slow spend-down rate is because people want to leave money for their offspring, for fear of high unexpected expenses, or due to uncertainty in remaining life. New research by economists John Ameriks of the Vanguard Group, Joseph Briggs and Andrew Caplin of New York University, Minjoon Lee and Matthew Shapiro of the University of Michigan, and Christopher Tonetti of Stanford University looks at spending in retirement using a very interesting new data set and highlights the important role that health has in retirement spending.

These papers are important because they are using a detailed new data set to study identify what influences spending in retirement. In the first of the group’s two papers, the authors describe the Vanguard Research Initiative, an exciting new data set and survey of a sample of 9,000 Vanguard clients over the age of 55. Beginning in 2013, these data include detailed information about demographics, health, income, and assets as well as questions about decision making.

The second paper from the group looks at how people in or near retirement spend their money. Using the new Vanguard data, the six economists find that much of the consumption trends among people in retirement are strongly associated with the perceived likelihood for the need of long-term care. Healthy retirees tend to say that they want to leave money for family members. However, as people decline in health, they spend less in anticipation of high long-term care costs. Thus, the authors’ research implies that access to a public long-term care option such as Medicaid reduces the precautionary savings among low-income retirees. Intriguingly, though, the survey component of the research reveals that respondents tend not to have a favorable opinion of public care options compared to private ones.

These findings indicate that savings decisions for retirement are more complex than the simple models that economists frequently use and also that public policy can have an impact. Because inherited wealth is a major factor associated with growing inequality and there are concerns about who on the income ladder has the means to save adequately for retirement, the data and analysis produced by this research team are an important contribution to our understanding of wealth dynamics. This work further highlights the importance of good data in economic thinking.

Evening Must-Read: Sheryl Sandberg: Barnard College Commencement

Sheryl Sandberg (2011): Barnard College Commencement: “Women all over the world, women who are exactly like us except for the circumstances into which they were born, [lack] basic human rights…

…Compared to these women, we are lucky…. We are equals under the law. But the promise of equality is not equality…. Men run the world…. I recognize that [today] is a vast improvement from generations in the past…. But… women became 50% of the college graduates in this country in 1981, 30 years ago. Thirty years is plenty of time for those graduates to have gotten to the top of their industries, but we are nowhere close to 50% of the jobs at the top. That means that when the big decisions are made, the decisions that affect all of our worlds, we do not have an equal voice at that table. So today, we turn to you. You are the promise for a more equal world…. Only when we get real equality in our governments, in our businesses, in our companies and our universities, will we start to solve… gender equality. We need women at all levels, including the top, to change the dynamic, reshape the conversation, to make sure women’s voices are heard and heeded, not overlooked and ignored…

Afternoon Must-Read: Paul Krugman: Stagflation Predictions

Paul Krugman: Stagflation Predictions: “Matt O’Brien catches a piece by Dick Morris a few years ago predicting that Obama’s legacy would be stagflation…

…But I say, oh yeah? I’ll see your Dick Morris (who cares, really?) and raise you a… Paul Ryan: ‘Thirty Years Later, a Return to Stagflation.’ That was, if you check the date, six years ago. But it’s worth remembering that not all prominent Republicans were predicting 70s-style stagflation; some of them were predicting Weimar-style hyperinflation instead…

Dick Morris (2011): Obama’s Legacy: Stagflation: “Obama’s failure to support America’s allies in the Middle East…

…and his dithering endorsement of chaos in the region will send oil and gasoline prices skyrocketing, triggering a massive bout of stagflation… [which] will cripple the American economy for years to come. This is Obama’s true legacy…. $4-per-gallon gas, soon to go up to $5 or $6!  And the fuel-price increases will take their place alongside food-price rises. Food prices for corn, soybeans, wheat and other basic crops have almost doubled in the past year. (The Consumer Price Index deliberately understates fuel and food inflation in its formula to avoid triggering cost-of-living adjustment increases in private pay and government programs.)

Finally, he has encouraged the Federal Reserve Board to almost triple the money supply, over $1 trillion of it based on the purchase of worthless mortgage-backed securities…. Reduced confidence in the dollar (at home and abroad) and the rises in fuel and food prices will force up prices as costs push them higher.

Already, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) has pressed for the replacement of the dollar as an international currency by ‘drawing rights’ printed by the IMF…. U.S. inflation can only fan that movement…. The Fed has got to stop printing money soon–lest it become wallpaper–interest rates, too, will rise…. But the economy cannot afford to pay these higher prices…. Political pundits have wondered if the economy would improve, helping Obama’s reelection chances. It now appears that the exact opposite is likely and that his reelection chances will be washed away by a massive flood of inflation as a consequence of his misguided policies.

Obama will doubtless blame oil companies and speculators… but his role… is apparent enough. He put the demand of the Egyptian people for political change ahead of America’s need for financial stability…

Paul Ryan (February 2009): Thirty Years Later, a Return to Stagflation: “CONGRESS has made a terrible mistake…. The stimulus bill… taxpayer money for condoms, new green cars and golf carts for federal bureaucrats….

…The package threatens a return to the kind of stagflation last seen in the 1970s…. The headline price tag of $787 billion doesn’t include… [what will really be] as much as $2 trillion more. Add in the billions that are being used to prop up the financial system, and when the dust settles on 2009, with millions of baby boomers retiring and entitlement spending exploding, taxpayers will face a financial nightmare…. Advocates of borrow-and-spend… argue that for the United States, borrowing is uniquely cheap. But what happens when there is an excess supply of bonds on the worldwide markets?… Our fears will turn to inflation….

How high will interest rates rise? And more fundamentally, who will have the money to buy our bonds?… Pressure to ‘monetize’ our debt…. In fact, the Fed is already suggesting that it will buy long-term Treasury securities in order to lower borrowing costs…. Inflation is a destroyer of savings, a killer of wealth, a crusher of confidence…. Combine high inflation and high unemployment and you have stagflation…. Soon we may again find ourselves watching a rising ‘misery index’ of inflation and unemployment together…. Keynesian stimuli based on borrowing and spending have not worked and will not work…. Marginal cuts in tax rates do. We also must lower our job-killing corporate income tax rate…. We should also re-establish the sound dollar. For the past decade, the Federal Reserve has manipulated interest rates and vastly over-expanded the money supply…. Finally, we should tackle the entitlement crisis…. Then our credit will improve, the cost of necessary borrowing will drop, and we can stave off stagflation.

Thoughts on David Frum’s Excellent Review of Adam Tooze’s Superb “The Deluge” and “The Wages of Destruction”

Excellent work from David Frum–reviewing even more excellent work from Adam Tooze.

Let’s give David the floor:

David Frum:
The Real Story of How America Became an Economic Superpower: Reviewing Adam Tooze’s Histories of WWI and WWII:
“Adam Tooze’s… The Wages of Destruction… and The Deluge

…amount together to a new history of the 20th century: the American century, which according to Tooze began not in 1945 but in 1916…. Yet Tooze’s perspective is anything but narrowly American….

Tooze’s portrait of Woodrow Wilson is one of the most arresting novelties of his book. His Wilson is no dreamy idealist. The president’s animating idea was an American exceptionalism of a now-familiar but then-startling kind…. Rather than join the struggle of imperial rivalries, the United States could use its emerging power to suppress those rivalries altogether…. What went wrong?…

Tooze writes…

the failure of the United States to cooperate with the efforts of the French, British, Germans and the Japanese [leaders of the early 1920s] to stabilize a viable world economy and to establish new institutions of collective security….

Peter Heather, the great British historian of Late Antiquity, explains human catastrophes with a saying of his father’s, a mining engineer:

If man accumulates enough combustible material, God will provide the spark

So it happened in 1929. The Deluge that had inundated the rest of the developed world roared back upon the United States. The Great Depression overturned parliamentary governments throughout Europe and the Americas….

In seeking to explain the urgency of Hitler’s aggression, historians have underestimated his acute awareness of the threat posed to Germany, along with the rest of the European powers, by the emergence of the United States as the dominant global superpower

Tooze writes…. [Hitler] dreamed of conquering Poland, Ukraine, and Russia as a means of gaining the resources to match those of the United States. The vast landscape in between Berlin and Moscow would become Germany’s equivalent of the American west, filled with German homesteaders living comfortably on land and labor appropriated from conquered peoples—a nightmare parody of the American experience with which to challenge American power.

Could this vision have ever been realized? Tooze argues in The Wages of Destruction that Germany had already missed its chance:

In 1870… the populationsUnited States and Germany was roughly equal…. Just before the outbreak of World War I the American economy… [was] roughly twice the size of that of Imperial Germany. By 1943… almost four times….

Germany was a weaker and poorer country in 1939 than it had been in 1914. Compared with Britain, let alone the United States, it lacked the basic elements of modernity… just 486,000 automobiles in Germany in 1932…. Yet this backward land, with an income per capita comparable to contemporary “South Africa, Iran and Tunisia,” wagered on a second world war even more audacious than the first.

The reckless desperation of Hitler’s war provides context for the horrific crimes of his regime. Hitler’s empire could not feed itself, so his invasion plan for the Soviet Union contemplated the death by starvation of 20 to 30 million Soviet urban dwellers after the invaders stole all foodstuffs….

On paper, the Nazi empire of 1942 represented a substantial economic bloc. But pillage and slavery are not workable bases for an industrial economy…. The Hitlerian vision of a united German-led Eurasia equaling the Anglo-American bloc proved a crazed and genocidal fantasy. Tooze’s story ends where our modern era starts…. Yet nothing lasts forever….

America’s… unique economic predominance… is now coming to an end as China does what the Soviet Union and Imperial Germany never could…. When it does, the fundamental basis of world-power politics over the past 100 years will have been removed. Just how big and dangerous a change that will be is the deepest theme of Adam Tooze’s profound and brilliant grand narrative.

Adam Tooze does, I think, have the geo-political-economic history of the twentieth century largely right.

And David Frum does gives a very, very nice summary of the major themes that emerge from Tooze’s two volumes.

Great Britain, the hyperpower of the 1815-1916 19th century, shaped the globe in the 19th-century in the interest of industrialization, free-trade, and its own imperialist predominance.

The United States, the hyperpower of the 1916-2025 20th century, shaped the globe in the interest of anti-Naziism, anti-imperialism, anti-Communism, free trade, industrialization, and democratization if not democracy–and if its form of anti-imperialism turned into a soft Cold War neoimperalism of its own.

China, the likely hyperpower-to-be of the 21st century, will shape the globe in… what?

But there is another story–one that, I think, Winston Churchill would have stressed and rightly stressed.

In 1846 British Prime Minister Robert Peel accepted the U.S. proposal to draw the border between British Columbia and the Oregon Territory at the 49th Parallel, rather than doing what the British government usually did in the mid-nineteenth century: insist on its own proposal (the Columbia River or the northern boundary of California) and if the counterparty did not agree, send the British navy to burn its capital. This inaugurated an unusual era of… forbearance in geopolitics, coupled with a 70 year cultural wooing of the United States, of which the Rhodes Scholarships are a reminder to this day.

As a result, when 1916 came, Americans perceived Britain as their friend. Americans perceived the British Empire as by and large a force for good in the world. This is in striking contrast to how Britain was perceived in 1850: the cruel corrupt ex-colonial power that had just starved a quarter of all Irishmen to death.

This mattered a lot.

This meant that when Britain got into trouble in the twentieth century–whether with Wilhelm II or Hitler or Stalin and his successors–it had wired aces as its hole cards in the poker game of seven-card stud that is international relations.

The willingness of the United States to send Pershing and his army Over There, to risk war with and then to fight Hitler, and to move U.S. tanks from Ft. Hood, TX, to the Fulda Gap–these were all powerfully motivated by America’s affinity with Britain, Britain’s geostrategic causes, and Britain’s security. Even after Britain was no longer the world’s hyperpower, it had banked its hyper power for the future by a very wise use indeed of soft power in the second half of the 19th-century. It had then created a world in which the 20th century’s hyperpower would use its muscle to make the world comfortable for Britain to live in.

Is the United States using its soft power now with the same skill and foresight?

Not really–and really not really back in the George W. Bush administration before 9/11, when confrontation with China was the rage.

Alexis de Tocqueville projected before the Civil War that the U.S. and Russia were likely to become twentieth-century superpowers. We project today that at least one of India and China–perhaps both–will become late-twenty first century superpowers. And so we have an interest in building ties of affinity now: it is very important for the late-twenty first century national security of the United States–and the global security of the world–that, fifty years from now, schoolchildren in India and China be taught that America is their friend that did all it could to help them become prosperous and free. It is very important that they not be taught that America wishes that they were still barefoot, powerless, and tyrannized, and has done all it can to keep them so.

This matters a lot.

In the long run we all have an enormous mutual common interest in peace, tolerance, and prosperity. And we have virtually no interest in most of what governments choose to fight about. Who cares today whether the signs in Strasbourg say “Strasbourg” or “Strassburg”? Who today is willing to fight and die to make Vancouver part of the United States of America? Who cares today whether the eighteenth century saw members of the Bourbon or the Habsburg dynasty seated on the throne of Spain?

When diplomats talk about international trade and finance, they talk about them as carrots and sticks: we give people we want to reward access to our markets; we punish people who we want to punish by slapping on trade embargos. “Economic diplomacy” is like bombing, only less so. And arguments that it is much more important to build large and profitable positive-sum games that align interests than to win zero- (or negative!) sum games that lead to the domination of one government’s conception of its momentary interest over another’s? They blow right past the diplomats, the State Department people as if they were just gentle breezes.

Economists, when they talk about international trade and finance, at least focus on building institutions to allow for mutually-beneficial acts of economic exchange. They talk about diminishing barriers and increasing confidence. They talk about playing positive-sum games with people in other countries that increase wealth, trust, and confidence and that ultimately align interests: the larger is the surplus from international trade and finance, the bigger is that stake that everyone has in continuing the free-trade-and-finance game.

But neither side today focuses on the long-run game of cultural and ideological influence that every temporary hyperpower needs to play: on trying to make it so that the next hyperpower seeks to create a prosperous, free, and peaceful world for the ex-hyperpower to be comfortable in.

Weekend reading

This is a weekly post we publish on Fridays with links to articles we think anyone interested in equitable growth should be reading. We won’t be the first to share these articles, but we hope by taking a look back at the whole week we can put them in context.

Links

Mike Konczal on how the recent conversation about robots and the labor market has helped rebalance “our intellectual portfolio of inequality stories.” [rortybomb]

ATMs were supposed to be the perfect example of technology displacing labor. But the data tell a different story, Tim Taylor writes. [conversable economist]

Peter Orzag argues that if you really want to reduce wealth inequality, you should tax land. [bloomberg view]

Lydia DePilis reports on the broken workers’ compensation system. [wonkblog]

Noah Smith thinks the United States could take a lesson from France when it comes to family-friendly policies. [bloomberg view]

Friday Figure

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