Must-Read: Vitor Gaspar, Maurice Obstfeld, Ratna Sahay, et al.: Macroeconomic Management When Policy Space Is Constrained: A Comprehensive, Consistent, and Coordinated Approach to Economic Policy

Vitor Gaspar, Maurice Obstfeld, Ratna Sahay, et al.: Macroeconomic Management When Policy Space Is Constrained: A Comprehensive, Consistent, and Coordinated Approach to Economic Policy: “Global output remains below potential, unemployment above its natural rate, and inflation below target…

…Concern is widespread that countercyclical policies have run out of space or lack the power to raise growth or deal with the next negative shock. The common perceptions are that the effective lower bound on policy interest rates limits the room to loosen monetary conditions further and that high debt constrains fiscal policy, including automatic stabilizers….

This Staff Discussion Note argues that room exists for effective policies and that it should be used if appropriate… a comprehensive, consistent, and coordinated approach to policymaking….

Comprehensive policy… entails the mutually supportive use of the three policy prongs—monetary, fiscal, and structural—tailored to specific country circumstances…. Demand-management policies can support implementation of structural reforms that increase potential growth…. When monetary policy is constrained, fiscal policy provides support. Similarly, monetary policy accommodation prevents a crowding out of the expansionary fiscal response to a negative shock. Some countries have room for fiscal stimulus, especially in an environment of extremely low long-term interest rates. For others where room for fiscal maneuver is especially limited… better tailoring the pace of necessary fiscal adjustment and implementing growth-friendly fiscal rebalancing. Financial sector policies that strengthen banking systems and markets help improve the transmission of monetary policy and dampen shocks.

Consistent policy frameworks anchor long-term expectations while allowing decisive short- to medium-term accommodation whenever necessary. They do so by systematically linking instruments to policy objectives over time…. Monetary policy… allows effective stimulus, even when the policy interest rate is at its floor, in the form of a planned temporary overshoot of the inflation target. Fiscal policy must commit to managing public balance sheet risks…. Credible commitment and enduring practice of prudent management allow fiscal policy the flexibility to support economic activity when appropriate.

Finally, coordinated policies across major economies amplify the helpful effects of individual policy actions through positive cross-border spillovers…. Coordination of active monetary and fiscal policy adds particular value if the current policy approach falls short of reviving growth, or in the event of a further downward shock.

Weekend reading: “You’ve contracted out your reading links” edition

This is a weekly post we publish on Fridays with links to articles that touch on economic inequality and growth. The first section is a round-up of what Equitable Growth published this week and the second is the work we’re highlighting from elsewhere. We won’t be the first to share these articles, but we hope by taking a look back at the whole week, we can put them in context.

Equitable Growth round-up

In response to the Great Recession and the resulting weak job market, U.S. policymakers expanded the duration of unemployment insurance benefits many times. How much of an effect on employment did it have? Not much, according to a new paper.

This year’s Nobel Prize in economics was awarded to economists Oliver Hart of Harvard University and Bengt Holmström of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology for their work on the theory of contracts.

How much bigger can the U.S. labor force get? It’s one of the key questions for the U.S. economy these days. In thinking about it, policymakers need to understand that just because part of trend is structural doesn’t mean it’s immutable.

Links from around the web

“But what if it turns out that America isn’t as entrepreneurial as our leaders like to believe? And that the smaller U.S. safety net, which reflects a national belief in self-reliance, is one reason?” Danny Vinik at Politico writes about the role of downside risk in boost entrepreneurship. [the agenda]

Times should be sweet for pastry chefs as demand for their services have increased quite a bit in recent years. But wage growth hasn’t been that strong. Noam Scheiber takes a look at this particular labor market to see if it explains the broader trends in the U.S. labor market. [ny times]

Evidently one member of the Federal Open Markets Committee thinks low interest rates will make pension funds save more and thus reduce future economic growth. Alexandra Scaggs shows that this fear isn’t coming true. [ft alphaville]

“The rising share of income accruing to housing is a key feature of the changing U.S. income distribution,” writes Gianni La Cava of the Reserve Bank of Australia. “The rise occurred due to an increasing share of income accruing to owner-occupiers through imputed rent [and] it is concentrated in states that are constrained in terms of new housing supply.” La Cava writes up his research on this question and the connection to secular stagnation. [vox eu]

The drop in the value of pound sterling in foreign exchange markets has some observers thinking the currency depreciation will help rebalance the U.K. economy. Frances Coppola doesn’t find this argument very convincing, arguing that if not paired with policy reforms the “sterling’s fall will simply herald the dawning of a poorer, meaner future for Britain.” [coppola comment]

Friday figure

Figure from “The employment effects of a much higher U.S. federal minimum wage: Lessons from other rich countries” by David Howell

Must-Read: James Stock and Mark Watson: Why Has GDP Growth Been So Slow to Recover?

Must-Read: Stock and Watson look at growth rates and gaps between predicted and actual contributions to growth. I still think that my four-components graph conveys essentially the message more simply:

FRED Graph FRED St Louis Fed

Stock: Half the GDP recovery slowdown is demographic trend-driven. But any argument that work though weak private investment and weak private consumption does not track. The explanations are, instead. The federal sequester. Weak state and local spending. Weak foreign demand.

I agree with the “demographic/trends” part, and the government purchases part. But rather than weak foreign demand I see the failure of residential construction to bounce back to normal, somewhat offset by strong exports.

No. I haven’t yet figured out why their more complex cut at the data has this different emphasis:

James Stock and Mark Watson: Why Has GDP Growth Been So Slow to Recover?:

James h stock pdf James h stock pdf
James h stock pdf James h stock pdf

CAPE, Future Expected Equity Returns, the Equity Premium, and Market Timing

I think this, by the very sharp Justin Lahart is badly framed.

Shiller’s CAPE a hair over 27 is telling us that if we buy the S&P Composite and hold it to infinity, we can expect a real return to average 5%/year ±, where the ± can, of course, be substantial. But there is also a reasonable chance that in the next five years the CAPE valuation ratio will revert to 20–in which case you lose 25% on top of that if you have to sell then. And there is some chance that in the next ten years the CAPE will kiss the 15 it kissed in 2009–which means that if you have to sell then you could lose 45%.

The stock market is for prudent, patient investors–not for those who know they will have to sell soon and cannot stand the risk of price declines, or who do not have to sell soon but cannot stand the risk of scanning the newspaper and seeing a disappointing number.

But what other investment promises an expected return of 4%/year for the patient investor? And it is difficult to imagine that any other asset class is exposed to much risk: what will preserve its real value if the collective ownership of the productive capital of the world does not?

With interest rates at their current level of -2%/year real, a CAPE of 27 is not flashing “sell” unless you think the odds of CAPE reverting to 20 in the next year are a quarter or greater.

And, of course, Justin’s point is that the CAPE* that we should be watching is not 27, but rather 18, in which case the real return we should expect on average is not 5%±, but 7%±:

Justin Lahart: Shiller’s Powerful Market Indicator Is Sending a False Signal About Stocks This Time:

A popular valuation metric pioneered by Nobel Prize-winning economist Robert Shiller says that stocks are dangerously expensive. But it may be sending a false signal…

Shiller gained popular fame with his 2000… “Irrational Exuberance”… [and] in a 2005 edition of the book, Mr. Shiller said the housing market was in a bubble. It is a track record that makes Mr. Shiller hard to ignore…. The CAPE  is now at 27… well above its 50-year average of 20. The only times the CAPE has been higher were during the 2000 bubble and bust, and just prior to the 1929 crash….

An alternative CAPE, constructed by The Wall Street Journal… relies on a more consistent earnings measure: The Commerce Department’s quarterly data on total U.S. after-tax corporate profits… Federal Reserve data on the total value of the U.S. stocks, rather than the value of the S&P 500. The result: Stocks look much cheaper than Mr. Shiller’s data suggests….

The two measures tracked each other almost perfectly for decades until 2008, when banks and other businesses, required to follow the latest GAAP rules, suffered huge write-downs that cut earnings. The Commerce Department’s measure, which hasn’t changed, treats bad-debt expenses, asset write downs, and loan-loss provisions as capital losses… rather than cutting earnings. Since both of these measures rely on 10 years of earnings, the disparity stemming from the financial crisis has persisted….

A bigger issue, says Mr. Campbell, is that just because the CAPE is high doesn’t mean that stocks aren’t a better value than comparable, safe investments. Back in 2000, there were great alternatives to expensive stocks, such as 10-year Treasury inflation-protected securities offering a government-guaranteed yield of 4 percentage points above inflation. Today those bonds offer no premium. While stocks are currently expensive, Mr. Campbell says, it isn’t clear that they are a worse investment than their alternatives….

Aswath Damodaran… over the past 50-odd years, he couldn’t find a single way he could make CAPE beat a simple buy-and-hold strategy…. Shiller agrees that the CAPE can’t be used as a market-timing tool, per se…


And I wince at the graphic design of this chart:

Shiller s Powerful Market Indicator Is Sending a False Signal About Stocks This Time WSJ

DRAFT: Did Macroeconomic Policy Play a Different Role in the (Post-2009) Recovery?

Federal reserve bank of boston Google Search

J. Bradford DeLong
U.C. Berkeley
October 15, 2016

Federal Reserve Bank of Boston
60th Economic Conference
The Elusive “Great” Recovery: Causes and Implications for Future Business Cycle Dynamics

Abstract: How has macroeconomic policy been different in this recovery? In banking and regulatory policy, it has been distinguished from earlier patterns—or from what we thought earlier patterns implied for a shock this large and this persistent—in a relative unwillingness to apply the “penalty rate” part of the Bagehot Rule and in a slowness to restructure housing finance that are, for me at least, different than I had expected. In fiscal policy, the prolonged reign of austerity in an environment in which both classical and Keynesian principles suggest that it is time to run up the debt is surprising and unexpected, to me at least. In monetary policy it is more difficult to say what has been different and surprising in this recovery. There have been so many aspects of monetary policy and our expectations of what policy would be during a prolonged excursion to the zero lower bound that it is hard enough merely to say what monetary policy has been, and too much to ask how it has been different from whatever baseline view of what the policy rule would be that we ought to have held back in 2008.


Must-Reads: October 14, 2016


Should Reads:

Must-Read: Simon Wren-Lewis: Very Serious People and the Deficit

Must-Read: Back in 2010 there were people saying:

  • If you are not at the zero lower bound, fiscal policy is not necessary to stabilize the economy.
  • If you are at the zero lower bound, the situation is so dire that using fiscal policy to stabilize the economy will require running the debt up to dangerously high levels.

The question is why six years of interest rates at rock bottom have not led more people to change their views of what “dangerously high” means in terms of debt. It remains a mystery to me.

Simon Wren-Lewis: Very Serious People and the Deficit: “George Osborne argued explicitly that the economic consensus was now that monetary policy should deal with stabilising output and inflation, while fiscal policy makers should look after their own deficit…

…I have called this the consensus assignment. If he, or his advisors, absorbed this piece of conventional wisdom, so may VSPs and mediamacro. So the headline academic scribbling was governments should control deficits, not the economy, and they are bad at it…. VSPs and the media more generally [would have] a clear role in providing a public service to help counteract the wickedness of politicians… to constantly advocate deficit reduction to counter deficit bias….

A little knowledge can be a dangerous thing…. [We] knew the conventional assignment broke down when interest rates hit their lower bound. We knew that a liquidity trap was absolutely not the time to worry about deficits, and if you did so you would cause tremendous damage. And we were right.

Must-Read: Paul Krugman: Notes on Brexit and the Pound

Must-Read: The argument for a Brexit recession always seemed to me to be that:

  1. The pound would need to drop a lot to generate enough exports to offset the fall in investment in the City that the prospect of downsizing London finance would generate.
  2. Perhaps the Bank of England would be unwilling to let the pound drop that far for fear of what it would do to inflation.
  3. Perhaps the drop in the pound would destabilize the pound’s role as a safe store of value and thus further erode the City’s comparative advantage, already under threat by the uncertain institutional consequences of Brexit.

Whether the pound and the domestic interest rate drop far enough to avoid a short-term Brexit recession thus always seemed to me to be a matter of policy choice and animal spirits…

Paul Krugman: Notes on Brexit and the Pound: “The much-hyped severe Brexit recession does not, so far, seem to be materializing…

…But we are seeing a large drop in the pound, which has steepened as it becomes likely that this will indeed be a very hard Brexit. How should we think about this?… I’m coming at it from the trade side–especially trade in financial services…. Financial services… are subject to both internal and external economies of scale, which tends to concentrate them in a handful of huge financial centers… one of which is, of course, the City of London. But now… those services [will move] away from the smaller economy (Britain) and into the larger (Europe). Britain therefore needs a weaker currency to offset this adverse impact. Does this make Britain poorer? Yes… the efficiency effect of barriers to trade… [and] a terms-of-trade effect…. A weaker pound shouldn’t be viewed as an additional cost from Brexit, it’s just part of the adjustment. And it would be a big mistake to prop up the pound: old notions of an equilibrium exchange rate no longer apply.

Must-Read: Loren Brandt, Debin Ma, and Thomas G. Rawski (2012): From Divergence to Convergence: Re-evaluating the History Behind China’s Economic Boom

Must-Read: Loren Brandt, Debin Ma, and Thomas G. Rawski (2012): From Divergence to Convergence: Re-evaluating the History Behind China’s Economic Boom: “The Qing Empire (1644-1911), the world’s largest national economy prior to the 19th century, experienced a tripling of population during the 17th and 18th centuries with no signs of diminishing per capita income…

…In some regions, the standard of living may have matched levels recorded in advanced regions of Western Europe. However, with the Industrial Revolution a vast gap emerged between newly rich industrial nations and China’s lagging economy. Only with an unprecedented growth spurt beginning in the late 1970s has the gap separating China from the global leaders been substantially diminished, and China regained its former standing among the world’s largest economies.

This essay develops an integrated framework… to explain how deeply embedded political and economic institutions that had contributed to a long process of extensive growth subsequently prevented China from capturing the benefits associated with new technologies and information arising from the Industrial Revolution. During the 20th century, the gradual erosion of these historic constraints and of new obstacles created by socialist planning eventually opened the door to China’s current boom. Our analysis links China’s recent economic development to important elements of its past, while using the success of the last three decades to provide fresh perspectives on the critical obstacles undermining earlier modernization efforts, and their removal over the last century and a half….

What circumstances enabled the hesitant reforms of the late 1970s which restored no more than a small fraction of the market arrangements stifled by socialist policies during the previous three decades, to launch the economy on a steep and durable growth path? How could several hundred million Chinese villagers escape from “absolute poverty” within 10-15 years following the onset of economic reform during the late 1970s with, if anything, declining external support as former collective institutions withered away? How did the number of so-called “township-village” (TVE) enterprises jump from 1.5 million to nearly 20 million, including many with substantial overseas sales, between 1978 and 1990 without encountering a shortage of capable managers and accountants? How did millions of firms conduct business, often on a large scale, without well-developed systems of commercial law or property rights?…

This essay is written in the conviction thathistorical legacies rooted in the decades and centuries prior to the establishment of the People’s Republic in 1949 continue to exert powerful influence upon the evolution of China’s economy. Prior to the industrial revolution, China led the world in both economic size and in many dimensions of technology…

Must-Read: Nick Bunker: How Much Bigger Can the U.S. Labor Force Get?

Must-Read: Nick Bunker: How Much Bigger Can the U.S. Labor Force Get?: “The White House’s Council of Economic Advisers puts about half of the decline in [labor force] participation from 2007 to 2014 into the “aging” category…

…But several structural factors can be addressed through policy actions…. Alan Krueger… tries to understand what is depressing participation for men and women who are in prime working ages of 25 to 54…. [For] prime-age men, health problems seem to be a huge barrier…. For prime-age women… the importance of family-friendly policies, or rather the lack thereof…. There is still the possibility that cyclical forces are pushing down the labor force participation rate…. Wage growth hasn’t been particularly strong during this recovery, which points to continued weaknesses in the demand…