Must-Read: Noah Smith: Want More Startups? Build a Better Safety Net

Must-Read: Noah Smith: Want More Startups? Build a Better Safety Net: “What was wrong with the theory?… Acemoglu et al…. [thought] the thing that determines entrepreneurial success is… how hard you try…

…When it comes to entrepreneurship, there’s another factor that’s probably a lot more important than effort. It’s risk. For a prospective entrepreneur, the choice… is between starting a business and working for someone else. The difference in effort between those two career paths probably isn’t that big. But entrepreneurship is much, much riskier…. The risk theory of entrepreneurship says that when people already have a lot of risk, they’re less likely to take on more…. So if the risk theory is right, a stronger safety net should lead to more entrepreneurial activity, not less…. That’s what the evidence seems to indicate…. The data is piling up–at the margin, risk is a lot more important than effort in determining who starts a business…

Must-Read: Jared Bernstein: Will the Federal Reserve really have what it takes to fight off the next recession?

Must-Read: No. It will not. It would have had to shift its inflation target up to 3% or 4%/year–and then met that target–in order to have what it takes to fight the next recession. Its failure to recognize that will in all likelihood be judged very harshly by future monetary historians:

Jared Bernstein: Will the Federal Reserve really have what it takes to fight off the next recession?: “Someone called me the other day all wound up because some market prognosticator convinced her that a U.S. recession was right around the corner…

…I think I talked her down on that point…. But I think I did succeed in getting her equally nervous about a different point: There is, of course, a recession out there somewhere. The problem isn’t that we don’t know where; it’s that we’re not ready for it…. The main countercyclical tool at the Fed’s disposal is the interest rate they control, the federal funds rate (FFR), a benchmark for borrowing costs throughout the economy. Historically, as Reifschneider’s Table 1 shows, they lowered it an average of around five percentage points in past recessions. Well, right now the FFR is sitting at less than half-a-percent, which gives them very little room to cut. That’s the limited firepower problem and it’s the topic of Reifschneider’s paper. He argues that this concern may be overblown…. I hope Reifschneider’s optimistic scenarios are correct. But I fear they’re not and we’d be crazy not to have a Plan B.

Must-Read: Ann Pettifor: Brexit and Its Consequences

Must-Read: I have concluded that I have a strong disagreement with Ann Pettifor here. The BREXIT vote is not the result of a class- and social structure-based Polanyi process. Yes, people believe that the communities in which they live, the money they make, and the industries in which they work are important parts of their lives, that they deserve to have their expectations about those things satisfied, and that a society that fails to satisfy those expectations is not a good society. Yes, Polanyi was correct in his grand argument that turning land, labor, and finance into commodities subject to the wreakings of a market society would inevitably disappoint a great many of those expectations and so potentially causing massive backlash against a liberal or neoliberal order.

But what we are seeing now is not that backlash.

Consider Germany: the secret Keynesianism of an undervalued currency means the neoliberal economic order is just dandy for Germany: no “economic anxiety” here! Yet Angela Merkel is in as much trouble from her indigenous domestic Trumpists as is any centrist political leader in the North Atlantic.

The “economically anxious” did not drive the BREXIT vote. The nativists did:

Ann Pettifor: Brexit and Its Consequences: “The ‘Brexit’ vote is but the latest manifestation of popular dissatisfaction with the utopian ideal of autonomous markets beyond the reach of regulatory democracy…

…Brexit represented the collective, if (to my mind) often misguided, efforts of those ‘left behind’ in Britain to protect themselves from the predatory nature of market fundamentalism. In a Polanyian sense, it is a form of social self-protection from self-regulating markets in money, trade and labour…. The economic profession’s deflationary, liberal finance bias, and the failure to include money, debt, and banks in economic analyses and modelling made it nigh impossible for the profession to correctly predict, prevent, or mitigate the ongoing crisis….

Today’s policy-makers struggle to stabilize an unbalanced global financial system, and doggedly oppose expansionary policies needed to ensure employment and recovery. The necessary restructuring and rebalancing of the global economy have been postponed. With the historic Brexit vote, the British people rejected this flawed brand of economics—and in particular the dominant liberal finance narrative. And they did so because the hardship they are experiencing—repressed wages, diminished public services, rising housing costs and shortages, and insecure employment—is indirectly a consequence of the theories and policies of the mainstream economics profession…. Britain’s ‘Brexit’ vote is but the latest manifestation of popular dissatisfaction with the economists’ globalized, marketized society…

Must-Read: Nick Rowe: New Keynesians Just Assume Full Employment

Must-Read: More on Nick Rowe’s self-assumed Sisyphean task…

Look: the standard New Keynesian model is a version of the Prescott RBC model, minimally tweaked to deliver Old Keynesian qualitative behavior. Its purpose is to show that the methodological straitjacket demanded by Prescott has no implications other than making it much harder to fit the data.

It has no other proper purpose.

Nick Rowe’s criticisms are correct:

Nick Rowe: New Keynesians Just Assume Full Employment: “Anyone with even an ounce of Old Keynesian blood… if they understood what the New Keynesians are doing, would be screaming blue murder that we are teaching this New Keynesian model to our students as the main macro model, and that central banks are using this model to set monetary policy…

I’m now going to make this point so simply and clearly that any New Keynesian macroeconomist will be able to understand it…. Only consumption…. Self-employed hairdressers, cutting each other’s hair…. All goods are services… labour the only input… counsumption, output, and employment… all the same thing. And… prices and wages… the same thing too…. No exogenous shocks…. No growth…. A constant population of very many, very small, identical, infinitely-lived agents, with logarithmic utility of consumption, and a rate of time-preference proper of n.

The individual agent’s consumption-Euler equation, with r(t) as the one-period real interest rate, is therefore:

C(t)/C(t+1) = (1+n)/(1+r(t))….

Assume the central bank sets a real interest rate r(t). Suppose the “full employment”… equilibrium is… 100 haircuts per agent per year consumption, income, and employment. Forever and ever. The central bank’s job is to set r(t) such that C(t)=100, for all t. Inspecting the consumption-Euler equation, we see that this requires the central bank to set r(t)=n for all t. Assume the central bank does this…. [But] setting r(t)=n for all t only pins down the expected growth rate of consumption… to zero…. It does not pin down the level….

Suppose initially we are at full employment. C(t)=100. Then every agent has a bad case of animal spirits. There’s a sunspot. Or someone forgets to sacrifice a goat. So each agent expects every other agent to consume at C(t)=50 from now on…. His optimal response… if he expects the central bank to continue to set r(t)=n, is to cut his own consumption immediately to 50 and keep it there. C(t)=50… is also an equilibrium with r(t)=n. So is any rate of unemployment between 0% and 100%.

What can the central bank do to counter the bad animal spirits? If it cuts r(t) below n, even temporarily, we know there exists no rational expectations equilibrium in which there is always full employment. All we know is that we must have negative equilibrium growth in consumption for as long as r(t) remains below n. It is not obvious to me how making people expect negative growth in their incomes from now on should cause everyone to expect a higher level of income right now from a higher level of everyone else’s consumption right now. Sacrificing a goat sounds more promising as a method of restoring full employment. Did every other New Keynesian macroeconomist already know about this, and just swept it under the mathematical rug? Didn’t I get the memo?

Here’s Gali:

Under the assumption that the effects of nominal rigidities vanish asymptotically [lim as T goes to infinity of the output gap at time T goes to zero]. In that case one can solve the [consumption-Euler equation] forward to yield…”

Bull—-. It’s got nothing to do with the effects of nominal rigidities. What he really means is “We need to just assume the economy always approaches full employment… otherwise… we will eventually get hyperinflation or hyperdeflation, and we can’t have our model predicting that, can we?” That Neo-Wicksellian/New Keynesian nonsense is what the best schools have been teaching their best students for the last decade or so…

The way out I prefer to take is to say: Look: the central bank doesn’t set r(t) = n for all t–it follows some reasonable feedback rule to stabilize the economy. Want to know what are reasonable feedback rules? They are the ones that stabilize the economy. Unhappy with that? Go back to Lloyd Metzler’s version of IS-LM, and recognize that the New Keynesian model is a jerry-rigged minimally-tweaked RBC model…

Best Business Books 2016: Economy

Best Business Books 2016 Economy

Over at Strategy+Business: Best Business Books 2016: Economy: The Crisis Is Over: Welcome to the New Crisis:

  • Robert J. Gordon: The Rise and Fall of American Growth: The U.S. Standard of Living since the Civil War (Princeton University Press, 2016) http://amzn.to/2eYBETT

  • Adair Turner: Between Debt and the Devil: Money, Credit, and Fixing Global Finance (Princeton University Press, 2015) http://amzn.to/2fahiHY

  • Jacob S. Hacker and Paul Pierson: American Amnesia: How the War on Government Led Us to Forget What Made America Prosper (Simon & Schuster, 2016) http://amzn.to/2ekuOdg

It’s been quite a decade for the global economy. The popping of the American housing bubble in 2006, the subprime mortgage financial crisis and its spread to Wall Street in 2007–08, the collapse of the world economy into the first global recession in decades in 2008–09, the knock-on eurozone financial crisis that began in 2010, and a slow, often faltering recovery — it’s been a tumultuous 10 years. And the period has produced a bumper crop of excellent economics books by academics, journalists, and practitioners who have attempted to grapple with the extraordinary macroeconomic disaster. They have examined why it happened, how to fix it, what it means, and how to avoid a recurrence of anything even remotely as hellish. Read MOAR at Strategy+Business

Functional finance vs. conventional finance: What’s really at stake?

Photo of the Marriner S. Eccles Federal Reserve Board Building in Washington.

One pole of current debates about U.S. fiscal policy is occupied by the “functional finance” position—the view usually traced back to the late economist Abba Lerner—that a government’s budget balance can be set at whatever level is needed to stabilize aggregate demand, without worrying about the level of government debt. At the other pole is the conventional view that a government’s budget balance must be set to keep debt on a sustainable trajectory while leaving the management of aggregate demand to the central bank. Both sides tend to assume that these different policy views come from fundamentally different ideas about how the economy works.

A new working paper, “Lost in Fiscal Space,” coauthored by myself and Arjun Jayadev, suggests that, on the contrary, the functional finance and the conventional approaches can be understood in terms of the same analytic framework. The claim that fiscal policy can be used to stabilize the economy without ever worrying about debt sustainability sounds radical. But we argue that it follows directly from the standard macroeconomic models that are taught to undergraduates and used by policymakers.

Here’s the idea. There are two instruments: first, the interest rate set by the central bank; and second, the fiscal balance—the budget surplus or deficit. And there are two targets: the level of aggregate demand consistent with acceptable levels of inflation and unemployment; and a stable debt-to-GDP ratio. Each instrument affects both targets—output depends on both the interest rate set by monetary authorities and on the fiscal balance (as well as a host of other factors) while the change in the debt depends on both new borrowing and the interest paid on existing debt. Conventional policy and functional finance represent two different choices about which instrument to assign to which target. The former says the interest rate instrument should focus on demand and the fiscal-balance instrument should focus on the debt-ratio target, the latter has them the other way around.

Does it matter? Not necessarily. There is always one unique combination of interest rate and budget balance that delivers both stable debt and price stability. If policy is carried out perfectly then that’s where you will end up, regardless of which instrument is assigned to which target. In this sense, the functional finance position is less radical than either its supporters or its opponents believe.

In reality, of course, policies are not followed perfectly. One common source of problems is when decisions about each instrument are made looking only at the effects on its assigned target, ignoring the effects on the other one. A government, for example, may adopt fiscal austerity to bring down the debt ratio, ignoring the effects this will have on aggregate demand. Or a central bank may raise the interest rate to curb inflation, ignoring the effects this will have on the sustainability of the public debt. (The rise in the U.S. debt-to-GDP ratio in the 1980s owes more to Federal Reserve chairman Paul Volcker’s interest rate hikes than to President Reagan’s budget deficits.) One natural approach, then, is to assign each target to the instrument that affects it more powerfully, so that these cross-effects are minimized.

So far this is just common sense; but when you apply it more systematically, as we do in our working paper, it has some surprising implications. In particular, it means that the metaphor of “fiscal space” is backward. When government debt is large, it makes more sense, not less, to use active fiscal policy to stabilize demand—and leave the management of the public debt ratio to the central bank. The reason is simple: The larger the debt-to-GDP ratio, the more that changes in the ratio depend on the difference in between the interest rate and the growth rate of GDP, and the less those changes depend on current spending and revenue (a point that has been forcefully made by Council of Economic Advisers Chair Jason Furman). This is what we see historically: When the public debt is very large, as in the United States during and immediately after the Second World War, the central bank focused on stabilizing the public debt rather than on stabilizing demand, which means responsibility for aggregate demand fell to the budget authorities.

We hope this paper will help clarify what’s at stake in current debates about U.S. fiscal policy. The question is not whether it’s economically feasible to use fiscal policy as our primary instrument to manage aggregate demand. Any central bank that is able to achieve its price stability and full employment mandates is equally able to keep the debt-to-GDP ratio constant while the budget authorities manage demand. The latter task may even be easier, especially when debt is already high. The real question is who we, as a democratic society, trust to make decisions about the direction of the economy as a whole.

J.W. Mason is an Assistant Professor of Economics at John Jay College, City University of New York.

Lost in fiscal space: Some simple analytics of macroeconomic policy in the spirit of Tinbergen, Wicksell and Lerner

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110116-WP-analytics-of-macroeconomic-policy

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Authors:

J.W. Mason, Assistant Professor of Economics, John Jay College, City University of New York
Arjun Jayadev, Associate Professor of Economics and Graduate Program Director, University of Massachusetts, Boston


Abstract:

The interest rate and the fiscal balance can be thought of as two independent instruments to be assigned to two targets, the path of output and the path of public debt. Under what we term a ’sound finance rule’ the interest rate targets output while the fiscal balance targets public debt; under a ‘functional finance rule’ the budget balance is assigned to the output gap and the interest rate to the debt ratio. The same unique combination of interest rate and fiscal balance will be consistent with output at potential and a constant debt-GDP ratio regardless of which instrument is assigned to which target The stability characteristics of the two rules differ, however. At low levels of debt, both rules converge, but at high levels of debt, only the functional finance rule converges. So contrary to conventional wisdom, the case for countercyclical fiscal policy becomes stronger, not weaker, when the ratio of public debt to GDP is already high. We apply our framework to describe policy generated cycles in the US over the past five decades.

On-call job, on-call family: The necessity of family support among retail workers with unstable work schedules

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Authors:

Dani Carrillo, Sociology Graduate Student, University of California, Berkeley
Kristen Harknett, Associate Professor of Sociology and Research Associate of the Population Studies Center, University of Pennsylvania
Allison Logan, Sociology Graduate Student, University of California, Berkeley
Sigrid Luhr, Sociology Graduate Student, University of California, Berkeley
Daniel Schneider, Assistant Professor of Sociology, University of California, Berkeley


Abstract:

Drawing on 25 in-depth interviews with parents employed in the service sector in the San Francisco Bay area, we describe an array of challenges: insufficient work hours, volatile incomes, unpredictable schedules, and the lack of flexibility for time off. Meeting the demands of work and parenting almost invariably involved reliance on informal child care support. Working parents with stable schedules were often able to manage parenting responsibilities using a “tag-team” parenting approach. Those with unstable schedules often engaged in a “child-care scramble” in which the care arrangements were pieced together on an ad hoc basis. Some parents with unstable work schedules were able to avoid this instability by relying heavily on one “family anchor,” usually a grandparent, who could consistently provide child care. In sum, on-call family support is required to meet the demands of unstable work schedules, and instability in work schedules often reproduces a similar instability at home.

Bayesianism versus Smoothing: In Which I Surrender Unconditionally to Cosma Shalizi

Surrender alesia Google Search

I think it is time for me to issue an unconditional intellectual surrender to Cosma Shalizi. Watching Nate Silver and his now http://fivethirtyeight.com over the past two election cycles has convinced me that the Bayesian framework he throws around his model is a major obstacle to people’s understanding what is going on.

What is going on is made up of three things:

  1. Polling–that is, asking people what they think of the election candidates in a structured way.

  2. Aggregation–so that you are not just using one sample of 1000 to assess the current mood of the electorate but instead have something like 1/5 of the sampling standard error.

  3. Smoothing–imposing structure on the time series, both that it ought to be close to “fundamentals” and that it ought not to change too quickly.

But next to nobody reading Nate Silver and company’s “nowcast”, “polls-only”, and “polls-plus” forecast probabilities as they evolve overtime gets any sense of how the sausage is made.

It remains the case that the decision theorist in the subbasement dungeon of my brain whimpers that Bayesian posterior probabilities are what we ultimately want.

But, these days, when it says that, I gag and shorten its chain:

  1. I point out to it that what we really want as decision theorists are not Bayesian posterior probabilities but rather the misnamed “risk neutral probabilities” that are posterior odds times the utility of the outcome.

  2. I point out to it that if we are betting against other minds we need to know in what ways their information sets might be superior to ours and what disadvantage that puts us at: that invulnerability to a Dutch Book is a third-order consideration in a world in which others might will know of jacks of spades that will piss in your ear on command.

  3. And I point out to it that the answer to the frequentest question, “how different might our conclusions have been had we drawn a different sample?” provides much more insight into whether our procedures are converging to something sensible than any ex-ante Bayesian proof that we knew in advance, before we start the analysis, that our procedures must converge.

So go visit Sam Wang: polls, aggregation, soothing, plus not unreasonable random drift strike zones are more helpful than three different sets of posterior odds–given my suspicion that there is right now no action from the 538.com stuff on the truck side of the polls plus odds…

Must-Reads: October 31, 2016


Should Reads: