Should-Read: Stephen Bush: Theresa May’s Brexit Objectives Are Crystal Clear

Should-Read: Interesting. But assumes that Theresa May is coherent:

Stephen Bush: Theresa May’s Brexit Objectives Are Crystal Clear: “I think the Prime Minister’s getting an rap for inscrutability she doesn’t quite deserve…

…We were told… the government’s Brexit red lines… for Britain to have control over its own borders and to no longer be subject to the judgements of the European Court of Justice. We’ve also been given a fairly big steer… [that] ministers haven’t ruled out… continuing to pay money to the European Union after we’ve left…. It’s crystal clear what not being subject to the free movement of people and leaving the ECJ means: a hard Brexit, with no continuing membership of the single market. And it’s equally clear that the government’s hope is that it can use its status as a major contributor to the EU budget to buy a measure of the access it needs in order to keep the banks sweet and Nissan chugging out cars in Sunderland. Of course, it’s not at all clear that this is a deal that will work…. But… we… have a pretty good idea what it is that the government wants out of Brexit: it’s just that we don’t like it.

Should-Read: Scott Lemieux: But Where’s the Tort Reform?

Should-Read: Scott Lemieux: But Where’s the Tort Reform?: “Rand Paul, the true progressive alternative in the 2016 race…

…finally offers a blueprint for heathcare “reform”: What should we replace Obamacare with? Perhaps we should try freedom:

  1. The freedom to choose inexpensive insurance free of government dictates.
  2. The freedom to save unlimited amounts in a health savings account.
  3. The freedom to buy insurance across state lines.
  4. The freedom for all individuals to join together in voluntary associations to gain the leverage of being part of a large insurance pool.

Shorter Rand Paul:

Under the majestic equality of my law, the rich and poor alike will be able to save unlimited amounts of money to pay for health care, and healthy people and people with pre-existing conditions alike are welcome to try to purchase worthless insurance that meets the standards of the state that offers the fewest protections to consumers.

I can see why the GOP leadership prefers the “repeal and…look, it’s Halley’s Comet!” approach.

Should-Read: Pseudoerasmus: The Bairoch Conjecture on Tariffs and Growth

Should-Read: Manufacturing-centric industrial policy works (or worked) best when the hegemon of the world economy plays the role of the Importer of Last Resort. And only worked when there was a highly competent government–which raises the possibility that pretty much any other non-nonsensical development strategy would have worked as well…

Pseudoerasmus: The Bairoch Conjecture on Tariffs and Growth: “There is a vast empirical literature which finds a positive correlation between economic growth and various measures of openness to international trade in the post-1945 period…

…This huge body of research does have a few very compelling critics, the most prominent being Rodríguez & Rodrik (2000). That widely cited paper argues — amongst many other things — that there is no necessary relationship between trade and growth, either way. It depends on the global context as well as domestic economic conditions. I think that’s correct. There is also a smaller literature on 19th century trade and growth associated with the historian Paul Bairoch. He argued informally that European countries with higher tariffs grew faster in the late 19th century. This rough eyeball correlation was confirmed econometrically by O’Rourke (2000)… [and] Clemens & Williamson (2001, 2004), but was disputed by Irwin (2002)…. Lehmann & O’Rourke (2008, 2011) then countered by disaggregating tariffs of those 10 rich countries into revenue, agricultural, and industrial components, reporting that duties specifically protecting the manufacturing sector were indeed correlated with growth….

The positive growth-tariff relationship for the rich countries is large; much smaller for the non-European periphery, and negative for the European periphery (e.g., Spain, Russia, etc.) So obviously even with the same global conditions there’s a lot of heterogeneity. According to Clemens & Williamson (2001, 2004) the reason there was an overall positive correlation in the 19th century, is that most countries with high tariffs exported to countries with lower tariffs. In other words, Great Britain et al. acted as free-trade sinks (my phrase, not theirs) for exporting countries such as post-Bismarckian Germany which protected their steel and other industries…. Jacks (2006) — using the Frankel-Romer gravity model approach — both replicates O’Rourke (2000) and supports the free-trade-sink view of Clemens & Williamson (2001, 2004)…. Tena-Junguito (2010) focuses on industrial tariffs and supports the other aspect of the Clemens & Williamson finding: the tariff-growth correlation applies only to the “rich country club”…

The End of the Bond Bull Market?

3 Month Treasury Bill Secondary Market Rate FRED St Louis Fed

For thirty-five years the market has been selecting for optimistic and enthusiastic bond bulls.

If you were an optimistic bond trader for whatever reason–sensical or nonsensical–you got rich. Your clients got rich. And you got more money to manage. If you were a pessimistic bond trader, again for any reason–nonsensical or sensical–you underperformed, lost your job, and had to move into another part of the business.

Thus we have selected for bond traders with a strong bull bias.

And by now our bond traders are, indeed those who have a strong bull bias–or is it those who chase the thirty-five year trend? How will they react in the future in the Age of Trump and BREXIT? Deficits should push bond prices down. But policy chaos should discourage investment and push bond prices up…

For the fourth five-year period in a row, I am going to say that the bull market in bonds is over. But I said this in 2012, 2007, and 2002 as well…

But now I am convinced I am right!

Must-Read: Allegra Kirkland: Rand Paul: Trump Backs Plan To Repeal, Replace Obamacare Simultaneously

Must-Read: Did Trump understand what it meant? Did he really say it–or did he just regard himself as saying friendly noises back to Rand Paul to keep him happy? Did he mean it? Does he remember saying it? Or did Rand Paul simply decide to say that Trump said it, on the grounds that nobody can know, that his credibility is greater than Trump’s advisors, and that if Trump snaps back there are benefits to being the office holder first out of the gate in opposition to Trump?

Time to resurrect the category: “Live from the Topkapi Palace”…

Allegra Kirkland: Rand Paul: Trump Backs Plan To Repeal, Replace Obamacare Simultaneously: “Rand Paul: ‘I just spoke to @realDonaldTrump…

…and he fully supports my plan to replace Obamacare the same day we repeal it. The time to act is now.

Paul this week said it would be a “huge mistake” for Congress to move forward with a quick repeal of the healthcare legislation that delays replacement until two years down the line. In a Wednesday appearance on MSNBC’s “Morning Joe,” he said “repeal and delay” could lead to insurance company bankruptcies.

Other senators including Susan Collins (R-ME), Bob Corker (R-TN) and Tom Cotton (R-AR) have also called for simultaneous repeal and replacement in recent days, while Lamar Alexander (R-TN) told TPM that the GOP conference should “listen carefully to Rand Paul.” Republicans have yet to put forward any type of proposal for replacement, citing a lack of consensus on what it would look like.

Must- and Should-Reads: January 8, 2017


Interesting Reads:

Should-Read: George Steiner: A Kind of Survivor

Should-Read: George Steiner: A Kind of Survivor: “Nationalism is the venom of our age…

…It has brought Europe to the edge of ruin. It drives the new states of Asia and Africa like crazed lemmings. By proclaiming himself a Ghanaian, a Nicaraguan, a Maltese, a man spares himself vexation. He need not ravel out what he is, where his humanity lies. He becomes one of an armed, coherent pack. Every mob impulse in modern politics, every totalitarian design, feeds on nationalism, on the drug of hatred which makes human beings bare their teeth across a wall, across ten yards of waste ground.

Even if it be against his harried will, his weariness, the Jew—or some Jews, at least—may have an exemplary role. To show that where trees have roots, men have legs and are each other’s guests. If the potential of civilization is not to be destroyed, we shall have to develop more complex, more provisional loyalties. There are, as Socrates taught, necessary treasons to make the city freer and more open to man. Even a Great Society is a bounded, transient thing compared to the free play of the mind and the anarchic discipline of its dreams…

#ASSA2017 Day 2 roundup

The annual meeting of the Allied Social Science Associations is this weekend in Chicago. The conference features hundreds of sessions covering a wide variety of economics research. Interesting papers are all over the place, so below are some of the papers that caught the eyes of Equitable Growth staffers during the second day. Check out the highlights from yesterday and come back tomorrow for more from the last day of the conference.

Long-Term Care Insurance and the Family

Corina Mommaerts , Yale University

Abstract: I examine whether informal care by family members explains the limited demand for long-term care insurance. Motivated by evidence that the availability of potential informal caregivers is correlated with lower insurance demand and that informal caregivers substitute for formal care, I estimate a dynamic model of long-term care decisions between an elderly parent and her adult child. The availability of informal care lowers the demand for insurance by 14 percentage points overall. An insurance policy that compensates informal care can generate substantial increases in insurance demand and family welfare, and decreases in Medicaid spending.

How Does For-Profit College Attendance Affect Student Loans, Defaults and Earnings

Luis Armona , Federal Reserve Bank of New York; Rajashri Chakrabarti , Federal Reserve Bank of New York;Michael Lovenheim , Cornell University

Abstract: Over the past decade and a half, the for-profit sector of higher education has seen unprecedented growth, markedly changing the higher education landscape. In this paper, we investigate the impact of attending for-profit colleges (relative to their public counterparts) on a variety of outcomes such as student loans, default, graduation, employment, and earnings. Using a fifteen-year panel, we exploit local labor demand shocks and their interactions with the pre-existing supply of for-profit colleges in these local areas to obtain plausibly exogenous variation in for-profit enrollment. We find that for a given labor demand shock, enrollment in for-profit colleges rises considerably relative to enrollment in other colleges when for-profit supply is higher. Our instrumental variables estimates reveal that students attending for-profit colleges are more likely to originate student loans, originate a larger volume of student loans, and are more likely to default. However, for-profit students are equally likely to graduate, and their earnings six years after graduation are no different from their public counterparts. These findings hold both for students attending two year/less than two year colleges as well as four-year colleges. Overall, our analysis suggests that for-profit attendance leads to relatively worse outcomes, despite considerably higher tuition costs.

Inequality and Aggregate Demand

Adrien Auclert, Stanford University; Matthew Rognlie, Northwestern University

Abstract: We explore the quantitative effects of transitory and persistent increases in income inequality on equilibrium interest rates and output. Our starting point is a Bewley-Huggett-Aiyagari model featuring rich heterogeneity and earnings dynamics as well as downward nominal wage rigidities. A temporary rise in inequality, if not accommodated by monetary policy, has an immediate effect on output that can be quantified using the empirical covariance between income and marginal propensities to consume. A permanent rise in inequality can lead to a permanent Keynesian recession, which is not fully offset by monetary policy due to a lower bound on interest rates. We show that the magnitude of the real interest rate fall and the severity of the steady-state slump can be approximated by simple formulas involving quantifiable elasticities and shares, together with two parameters that summarize the effect of idiosyncratic uncertainty and real interest rates on aggregate savings. For plausible parametrizations the rise in inequality can push the economy into a liquidity trap and create a deep recession. Capital investment and deficit-financed fiscal policy mitigate the fall in real interest rates and the severity of the slump.

The Performance Pay Premium, Human Capital, and Inequality: Evidence From Over Forty Years of Microdata

Christos Makridis, Stanford University

Abstract: This paper studies the rise of performance pay contracts and their aggregate effects on the labor market. First, using the Panel Study of Income Dynamics (PSID) and National Longitudinal Survey of Youth (NLSY), I document several stylized facts: (i) the share of performance pay workers grew from 15% in 1970 to nearly 50% by 2000, (ii) performance pay workers experience higher earnings levels and growth rates, work longer hours, and invest more in human capital, and (iii) performance pay workers face lower (higher) permanent (transitory) income shocks, relative to their fixed wage worker counterparts. Second, using the National Compensation Survey (NCS), I show that increases in performance pay are associated with increases in inequality at the micro-level and accelerate the rate of skill-biased technical change. Third, I structurally model the rise of performance pay contracts by solving a dynamic model with unobserved person-specific heterogeneity, discrete sector-occupation job choices, time-varying sector-occupation probabilities of performance pay, and human capital accumulation. The model is estimated using simulated method of moments. Fourth, I use the model to characterize the contribution of performance pay to aggregate inequality and examine the counterfactual effects of making the U.S. marginal tax code as progressive as the one in France.

Revisiting the Relationship Between Unemployment and Wages

Giovanni Gallipoli , University of British Columbia; Yaniv Yedid-Levi , University of British Columbia

Abstract: We investigate the empirical relationship between wages and labor market conditions. Following work histories in the NLSY79 we document that the relationship between wages and unemployment rate differs across occupations. The results hold after controlling for unobserved match quality. This suggests that evidence about history dependence of wages obtained from pooled samples conceals significant differences and provides an imprecise description of earning dynamics. We examine these discrepancies and offer new evidence suggesting that the sensitivity of wages to current unemployment is linked to the prevalence of performance pay.

Childcare Arrangements in the United States and Parental Engagement With Children at Home: Distributional Analysis

Tamar Khitarishvili , Levy Economics Institute of Bard College; Kijong Kim , Levy Economics Institute of Bard College; Nancy Folbre, University of Massachusetts-Amherst

Abstract: Differences in children’s outcomes by parents’ socioeconomic background are evident by as early as their third birthday and are transmitted into adult labor market outcomes, perpetuating socioeconomic inequality. This is to a large degree because parents from high-income families tend to spend more time with their children and engage more in enrichment activities than parents from low-income families. Quality childcare provisioning can reduce the resulting inequality by improving the outcomes of children from low-income families. Analyses of the mechanisms through which this happens have focused on the direct educational and social benefits of childcare on children’s development. However, we know relatively little about the impact of childcare on children’s outcomes vis-à-vis parental engagement. In this paper, we investigate the extent to which the amount and quality of parental engagement with children is affected by the type and quality of childcare arrangements in families of different economic means, with a particular focus on the role of child-care provider/parent interactions. We use the American Time Use Survey (ATUS) data and the Birth Cohort data of the Early Childhood Longitudinal Study (ECLS-B). Our analysis provides a meaningful contribution to the policy debate regarding the role of childcare provisioning in reducing the inequality in children’s outcomes vis-à-vis parental engagement.

The Rise of Domestic Outsourcing and the Evolution of the German Wage Structure

Deborah Goldschmidt, Boston University; Johannes F. Schmieder, Boston University

Abstract: The nature of the relationship between employers and employees has been changing over the last three decades, with firms increasingly relying on contractors, temp agencies and franchises rather than hiring employees directly. We investigate the impact of this transformation on the wage structure by following jobs that are moved outside of the boundary of lead employers to contracting firms. For this end we develop a new method for identifying outsourcing of food, cleaning, security and logistics services in administrative data using the universe of social security records in Germany. We document a dramatic growth of domestic outsourcing in Germany since the early 1990s. Event-study analyses show that wages in outsourced jobs fall by approximately 10-15% relative to similar jobs that are not outsourced. We find evidence that the wage losses associated with outsourcing stem from a loss of firm-specific rents, suggesting that labor cost savings are an important reason why firms choose to contract out these services. Finally, we tie the increase in outsourcing activity to broader changes in the German wage structure, in particular showing that outsourcing of cleaning, security and logistics services alone accounts for around 9 percent of the increase in German wage inequality since the 1980s.

Job-to-Job Flows and Earnings Growth

Joyce Hahn, U.S. Census Bureau; Henry R. Hyatt, U.S. Census Bureau; Hubert Janicki, U.S. Census Bureau; Stephen Tibbets, U.S. Census Bureau

Abstract: In the U.S. in the late 1990s, there was a sudden, long-lasting upward shift in real wage and salary compensation per worker in the U.S. labor market, and little growth in the following decade and a half. In this paper, we provide a compositional analysis that distinguishes between three channels for earnings growth: job stayers, workers undergoing job-to-job flows, and workers transitioning between employment and nonemployment. To do so, we use a unique dataset of matched employer-employee data that permits the measurement of earnings changes for different employment types. We find modest cyclical earnings changes for job stayers, job switchers, and net nonemployment. There also was a large increase in the earnings of long-tenure job stayers during the late 1990s. Our data permit measurement of whether these changes come from hours or wages. We find that job-to-job flows have a strong role to play in increases in hours worked. Stayer earnings growth dominates growth in hourly wages. We also find that earnings and wage growth of those with short job tenure is less cyclical than longer-tenure job stayers.”

Living the “American Dream” in Finland: The Social Mobility of Inventors

Philippe Aghion, College of France; Ufuk Akcigit, University of Chicago; Ari Hyytinen, University of Jyvaskyla; Otto Toivanen, University of Leuven

Abstract: In this paper we merge individual census data, individual patenting data, and individual IQ data from Finnish Defence Force to look at whether social origins or innate ability command the selection into becoming an innovator as well as the income mobility of an innovator. First, when looking at the determinants of the probability of becoming an inventor, we find that: (i) parental income impacts on the probability of becoming an inventor, even after controlling for IQ and education; (ii) parental education also impacts on the probability of becoming an inventor, and controlling for parental education reduces substantially the effect of parental income; (iii) total and visiospatial IQ matter for the probability of becoming an inventor. Second, when regressing son’s IQ on parental characteristics, we found that overall, the latter explain less than 10% of variation in son IQ, thereby suggesting that our IQ measures largely reflect innate ability. Third, when looking at how becoming an innovator affects an individual’s income mobility, we find that being an inventor enhances both, intragenerational and intergenerational social mobility, and that being an inventor very effectively reduces the father-son income relation.

The Rise and Nature of Alternative Work Arrangements in the United States

Lawrence Katz, Harvard University; Alan Krueger, Princeton University

Abstract: To monitor trends in alternative work arrangements, we conducted a version of the Contingent Worker Survey as part of the RAND American Life Panel (ALP) in late 2015. The findings point to a significant rise in the incidence of alternative work arrangements in the U.S. economy from 2005 to 2015. The percentage of workers engaged in alternative work arrangements – defined as temporary help agency workers, on-call workers, contract workers, and independent contractors or freelancers – rose from 10.7 percent in February 2005 to 15.8 percent in late 2015. Longitudinal and time-series evidence point to a limited role for unemployment in the rise of alternative work. Instead, secular changes, such as technological innovations that standardize work and rising inequality, are creating incentives for a fissuring of workplaces.

Global Inequality Dynamics: New Findings from WID.world

Facundo Alvaredo, Paris School of Economics; Anthony B. Atkinson, University of Oxford; Lucas Chancel, Paris School of Economics; Thomas Piketty, Paris School of Economics; Emmanuel Saez, University of California-Berkeley; Gabriel Zucman, University of California-Berkeley

Abstract: This paper presents new findings on global inequality dynamics from the World Wealth and Income Database (WID.world), with particular emphasis on the contrast between the trends observed in the United States, China, France, and the United Kingdom. We observe rising top income and wealth shares in nearly all countries in recent decades. But the magnitude of the increase varies substantially, thereby suggesting that different country-specific policies and institutions matter considerably. Long-run wealth inequality dynamics appear to be highly unstable. We stress the need for more democratic transparency on income and wealth dynamics and better access to administrative and financial data.

Systematic Earnings Risk

Fatih Guvenen, University of Minnesota; Samuel Schulhofer-Wohl, Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago; Jae Song, U.S. Social Security Administration; Motohiro Yogo, Princeton University

Abstract: We use administrative data on earnings to estimate how aggregate risk exposure to GDP and stock returns varies across gender, age, earnings level, and industry. Aggregate risk exposure is U-shaped with respect to the earnings level. In the middle of the earnings distribution, males, younger individuals, and those in construction and durable manufacturing are more exposed to aggregate risk. At the top of the earnings distribution, older individuals and those in finance are more exposed to aggregate risk. We then extend the analysis to study how individuals’ earnings covary jointly with average industry wage, average firm wage, in addition to GDP and find interesting variation across the population and firms with different characteristics. We discuss some implications of our findings for macroeconomics and finance.

Should-Read: Jonathan Bernstein: Republicans Really Can Pretend to Repeal Obamacare

Should-Read: “Repeal and replace”, “repeal and delay”, “repeal and rename”–and now simply “pretend and delay”. FOX News would, with a straight face, report that “the Congress has passed the Obamacare Repeal Resolution”…

Jonathan Bernstein: Republicans Really Can Pretend to Repeal Obamacare: “Sarah Binder hints that Republicans may wind up trying to get away with something even more cynical…

…Republicans are calling the budget resolution currently under debate in the Senate an “Obamacare repeal resolution.”… A budget resolution by itself… merely contains (nonbinding) instructions… and enables a future “reconciliation” bill…. Republicans could wind up just celebrating the passage of the budget resolution and calling it a day. “The whole process is complicated, so you start wondering, if they don’t do the reconciliation bill, will anyone know?”  That is, instead of “repeal and delay,” Republicans would try “pretend and delay”—pass a nonbinding resolution and hail it as Mission Accomplished. 

Three, Four… Many Secular Stagnations!

3 Month Treasury Bill Secondary Market Rate FRED St Louis Fed

I. The Third Coming of John A. Hobson

In my view, the current debate about “secular stagnation” started by Larry Summers is best thought of as the third coming of John A. Hobson.

The first coming of John A Hobson was, of course, Hobson (1902): Imperialism: A Study. In Hobson’s schema, unequal income distribution combined with the limited physical capacity to consume of the rich meant that anything like full employment could be maintained only with a growing share of output devoted to government purchases and investment. But where were there vents for additional investment? Abroad, in the growing empire:

Investors who have put their money in foreign lands, upon terms which take full account of risks connected with the political conditions of the country, desire to use the resources of their Government to minimize these risks, and so to enhance the capital value and the interest of their private investments. The investing and speculative classes in general also desire that Great Britain should take other foreign areas under her flag in order to secure new areas for profitable investment and speculation…

Moreover, the military apparatus necessary to conquer and to defend what had been conquered soaked up productive capacity that would otherwise have been idle. As Winston Churchill put it with respect to Great Britain’s naval construction plans for the year 1909: “The Admiralty had demanded six [Dreadnought-class] battleships: the economists offered four: and we finally compromised at eight.” Thus governments that embarked on imperialism and armaments found their domestic economies in relatively good shape with respect to employment, capacity utilization, and profits; while governments that minded their knitting did not. And even though imperialism and militarism were humanitarian and cost-benefit disasters, governments that pursued them tended to remain in office. And this pushed Europe toward World War I.

It is conventional among economists to not understand Hobson’s “underconsumptionist” argument. As Ben Bernanke commented in 2013:

As I pointed out… [when] Larry first raised the secular stagnation argument… it’s hard to imagine that there would be a permanent dearth of profitable investment projects. As Larry’s uncle Paul Samuelson taught me in graduate school at MIT, if the real interest rate were expected to be negative indefinitely, almost any investment is profitable. For example, at a negative (or even zero) interest rate, it would pay to level the Rocky Mountains to save even the small amount of fuel expended by trains and cars that currently must climb steep grades. It’s therefore questionable that the economy’s equilibrium real rate can really be negative for an extended period…

This, of course, misses the point that risk-bearing capacity is an essential factor of production needed for private-sector business investment, and risk bearing capacity must be mobilized and paid for—and paid for very handsomely given the adverse selection and moral hazard problems in financing private investment. A very healthy average risky rate of profit is perfectly consistent with a short-term safe real rate of interest less than the negative of the rate of inflation.

For Hobson, of course, the solution was progressive tax and transfer (and perhaps predistribution?) policies to end the Gilded Age and create a reasonable distribution of income, in which fortunes would not be in the hands of those whose stomachs were small and whose narrow eyes were not much bigger, and who would thus hoard rather than spend their incomes.

The second coming of John A. Hobson was, of course, Alvin Hansen (1939). Secular stagnation was “sick recoveries which die in their infancy and depressions which feed on themselves and leave a hard and seemingly immovable core of unemployment…” We were “rapidly entering a world in which we must fall back upon a more rapid advance of technology than in the past if we are to find private investment opportunities adequate to maintain full employment…” For Hansen, the solution was either (a) more investment in research and development to speed technological progress, or (b) public investment “in human and natural resources and in consumers’ capital goods of a collective character…”

In some sense Hobson’s fears became true and more than true: World War I, and what followed. And when the world economy reoriented itself after World War II we were no longer in a Gilded Age but, rather, in an Age of Social Democracy with a much more equal income distribution—and so Hobson’s unequal income distribution and resulting underconsumptionist worries were no longer relevant.

Alvin Hansen’s worries were similarly obsolete as the post-World War II order formed itself. We got the greater public investment, both in research and development to spur more rapid technological progress—DARPA—and in the Cold War arms race.


The Wheel Has Turned Again

The Longer Depression: But now the wheel of history has turned once again. We have a Second Gilded Age. We have had what looks to have been either the second-largest or the largest adverse financial business-cycle shock in history. We have had an economic downturn followed by a very slow recovery that has produced and will produce a cumulative output gap vis-a-vis potential that will rival and may well exceed the Great Depression itself as a multiple of the economy’s productive potential.

But it is not just what people call “the Great Recession” and should call “the Longer Depression”. It is the long, steady decline in safe interest rates at all maturities since 1990: the decline in short-term safe real interest rates from 4% to -1.5%, and the decline in long-term safe real interest rates from 5% to 1%.

B. Larry’s Core Worry: And so now we have Larry Summers (2013), reacting to the collapse of the short-term safe nominal Wicksellian “neutral” rate of interest consistent with full employment and with central banks’ ability to hit their inflation targets.

We are handicapped because there is not one place in which Larry has developed his argument: it is evolving. But the debate Larry has started seems to me, as I wrote, “the most important policy-relevant debate in economics since John Maynard Keynes’s debate with himself in the 1930s.”

Summers’s core fear is that the global economy—or, at least, the North Atlantic chunk of it—will be stuck for a generation or more in a situation in which, if investors have realistically expectations, then even if central banks reduce interest rates to accommodate those expectations and even if governments follow sensible but not extravagant fiscal policies, private financial markets will still fail to support a level of investment demand compatible with full employment.

Thus economic policymakers will find themselves either hoping that investors form unrealistic expectations—prelude to a bubble—or coping with chronic ultralow interest rates and the associated risks of stubbornly elevated unemployment.


III. Causes of Secular Stagnation III

Such “badly behaved investment demand and savings supply functions,” as Martin Feldstein called them when he taught this stuff to me at Harvard back in 1980, could have seven underlying causes:

  1. High income inequality, which boosts savings too much because the rich can’t think of other things they’d rather do with their money. (Hobson)
  2. Technological and demographic stagnation that lowers the return on investment and pushes desired investment spending down too far. (Hansen)
  3. Non-market actors whose strong demand for safe, liquid assets is driven not by assessments of market risk and return but rather by political factors or by political risk. (Bernanke)
  4. A broken financial sector that fails to mobilize the risk-bearing capacity of society and thus drives too large a wedge between the returns on risky investments and the returns on safe government debt. (Rogoff)
  5. Very low actual and expected inflation, which means that even a zero safe nominal rate of interest is too high to balance desired investment and planned savings at full employment. (Krugman, Blanchard)
  6. Limits on the demand for investment goods coupled with rapid declines in the prices of those goods, which together put too much downward pressure on the potential profitability of the investment-goods sector.
  7. Technological inappropriateness, in which markets cannot figure out how to properly reward those who invest in new technologies even when the technologies have enormous social returns—which in turn lowers the private rate of return on investment and pushes desired investment spending down too far.

A. Other Economists’ Views as Partial: The first thing to note is that other economists who have been worrying at related issues have views all of which appear to be a subset of Summers-style secular stagnation concerns. Hobson saw income inequality as the root—that’s number 1 on the list. Hansen saw demographic and technological stagnation—that’s number 2, and today this point of view is echoed by Gordon. Bernanke, the former Federal Reserve chairman, says we have entered an age of a “global savings glut” because of mercantilism and political risk in emerging markets—that’s number 3 on the list. Kenneth Rogoff of Harvard points to the emergence of global “debt supercycles” that have broken the ability of financial markets to do the risk transformation on a large enough scale—that’s number 4. CUNY’s Paul Krugman warns of the return of “Depression economics” and seeks central banks that will “credibly promise to be irresponsible”, while Olivier Blanchard called for a 4%/year inflation target—that’s number 5. And numbers 6 and 7 have not yet made their appearance in the policy-macroeconomic debate. But they should.

Larry Summers is all of the above: all seven.

B. Against Partial Explanations: And his major concern is to argue against those who think that it is just one of the seven that is the problem—that there is a quick fix, which will either come of itself relatively soon or could be brought forward in time via a simple, clever policy move. Thus Summers on Bernanke:

Ben… suggest[s]… the savings glut is a relatively transitory phenomenon that will be repaired. Perhaps in the fullness of time… [but] it is very difficult to read market judgments about real interest rates as suggesting that that is likely…. For the relevant medium‐term policy horizon (as I have no useful views about 2040 or 2050) the challenge of absorbing savings in productive investment will be the overriding challenge for macroeconomic policy…

And Summers on Rogoff:

Ken Rogoff argues… that the current weakness is the temporary result of over‐indebtedness…. The debt super‐cycle view does not have a ready explanation for the low level of real interest rates, nor does it have a ready explanation for the fact that real interest rates have fallen steadily…. Ken suggests an alternative hypothesis for explaining the low level of real interest rates… a generalized increase in the level of risk…. [But] you would… expect [that] to lead to a decline, rather than an increase, in asset values, given that it was those assets that had become more risky. You would expect it to manifest itself in a measurable and clear increase in implied volatilities, as reflected in options markets. You would expect it to reflect itself in a dramatic increase in the pricing of out‐of‐the‐money puts. But the opposite has occurred…. The length of time that markets are forecasting low real interest rates makes the stagnation fairly secular or the debt super‐cycle very long, at which point the distinction blurs.

And what is the temporary debt‐overhand induced headwind that is thought to be present in a major way today but that will be gone in three years? Corporate balance sheets are flush. The spread between LIBOR and other yields are low. Debt service ratios are at abnormally low levels. Whatever your indicator of repair from the financial crisis, it has mostly happened. And yet with interest rates of zero, the United States is still likely to grow at only two percent this year. I do not see a good reason to be confident that that situation will be significantly better three years from now….

Any debt overhang would itself be endogenous. Why did we have a vast erosion of credit standards by 2005? Why were interest rates in a place that enabled such bubbles? Because that was what was necessary to keep the economy going with adequate aggregate demand through that period. So even if a debt overhanging were occurring it would in a sense be a mechanism through which secular stagnation or over‐saving produces damage. It is not an alternative to the idea of secular stagnation…

Summers’s rejection of the Krugman-Blanchard higher-inflation-is-the-solution position as a sufficient and quick fix seems to me more subtle. I do not think he has set it out clearly. But what Summers is thinking—or at least what the Larry Summers emulation module I have running on my own wetware is thinking—is this:

There are worthy private risky investment projects and unworthy ones. Worthy risky projects have a relatively low elasticity with respect to the required real yield—that is, lowering interest rates to rock-bottom levels would not induce much more spending. In contrast, unworthy risky investment projects have a high elasticity. Thus, when safe interest rates get too low, savers who should not be bearing risk nonetheless reach for yield—they stop checking whether investment projects are worthy or unworthy.

Put it another way: there are people who should be holding risky assets and there are people who should be holding safe assets. The problem with boosting inflation so that the central bank can make the real return on holding safe assets negative is that it induces people who really should not be holding risky assets to buy them.

I would speculate that, deep down, Summers still believes in one tenet of inflation economics: that effective price stability—the expectation of stable 2 percent inflation—is a very valuable asset in a market economy. It should not be thrown away.

C. Seeking Not a Cure But Palliatives: For Summers, secular stagnation does not have one simple cause but is the concatenation of a number of different structural shocks un- or only loosely-connected with each other in their origin that have reinforced each other in their effects pushing the short-term safe nominal Wicksellian “neutral” rate down below zero. But even though there is no one root cause, there are two effective palliatives to neutralize or moderate the effects.

Thus Summers calls for two major policy initiatives:

  1. Larger and much more aggressive progressive tax and transfer (and predistribution?) policies to end the Second Gilded Age.

  2. A major shift to an investment-centered expansionary fiscal policy as the major component of what somebody or other once called “a somewhat comprehensive socialisation of investment… [as] the only means of securing an approximation to full employment… not exclud[ing] all manner of compromises and of devices by which public authority will cooperate with private initiative…”

I think he has a very, very strong case here.

D. Achieving Potential: The standard diss of Larry was that even though his promise was immense—he was brilliant, provocative, creative, and so willing to think outside-the-box that you sometimes wondered whether he knew where the box was or even if there was a box—there was no great substantive contribution but only a bunch of footnotes to lines of inquiry that really “belonged” to others.

I think this is the contribution.