Must-Read: Nouriel Roubini: The Liquidity Time Bomb

Must-Read: I do not think Nouriel’s argument makes complete sense here, but I cannot put my finger on exactly what is wrong with it. Perhaps “liquidity” is being used in different senses? In one sense, the market is “liquid” when there are lots of assets that are not subject to moral hazard factors when you try to sell them–hence you can get a known amount of cash quickly. In another sense, the market is “liquid” when you can quickly change your position in assets that *might but haven’t been subject to moral hazard without taking a large haircut. Is using the same word “liquidity” for both creating confusion?

Nouriel Roubini: The Liquidity Time Bomb: “Before the 2008 crisis, banks were market makers in fixed-income instruments…

But with new regulations punishing such trading (via higher capital charges), banks and other financial institutions have reduced their market-making activity. So, in times of surprise that move bond prices and yields, the banks are not present to act as stabilizers…. As a result, when surprises occur… the re-rating of stocks and especially bonds can be abrupt and dramatic: everyone caught in the same crowded trades needs to get out fast… because many investments are in illiquid funds and the traditional market makers who smoothed volatility are nowhere to be found, the sellers are forced into fire sales. This combination of macro liquidity and market illiquidity is a time bomb…

Must-Read: Matthew Yglesias: GDP Measures GDP

Must-Read: Matthew Yglesias identifies and nails an important distinction: “mismeasurement” because GDP does not capture economic surplus has next to nothing to do with issues about capacity utilization, economic slack, and proper stabilization policy. It does, however, have a lot to do with debates about living standards, utopia, happiness, political economy, and inequality.

Matthew Yglesias: GDP Measures GDP: “Every few months I see chatter popping up indicating…

…that people think something or other — most recently it’s the consumer surplus associated with Facebook — shows that GDP isn’t being propelry measured. These critiques are almost always wrong. GDP is a measure of what it measures — monetized economic output. It is also the case that lots of things in life are not measured by GDP. Some of that is the fuzzy intangibles, but some of it is very concrete. A maid is GDP. Cleaning your own damn house is not. But either way, the house is either clean or it isn’t. But that’s not a measurement error. Cleaning your own house really isn’t market economic output.

Education, housing, and U.S. economic inequality

State and local property taxes are critical to the funding of U.S. public schools. This means that wealthy areas with high property values can generate ample revenue to fund their local schools, while poorer areas with low property values have difficulty raising sufficient resources to sustain high-quality programs.

Considering that places of residence are the main source of education funding, how can we improve educational opportunities for those students in high-poverty districts? One solution may be to increase affordable housing in affluent communities, providing some low-income families with access to better school districts.

A recent report from the Southern Education Foundation revealed that the number of low-income students in our public schools has increased at an alarming rate and these income disparities are only widening. Just 25 years ago, less than 32 percent of children in public schools came from low-income families. But in 2013, over 50 percent of public school students were from low-income families, making them the new majority.

According to a new analysis by the Urban Institute, low-income students are over six-times more likely to be enrolled at a high-poverty school, where over 75 percent of a student’s peers also come from low-income families. In a stunning contrast, only 6 percent of middle and upper-income students attend high-poverty schools. Those in high-poverty schools are disproportionately people of color, complicating the milieu even further.

Poverty concentration in public schools poses a significant threat to educational quality because high-poverty schools tend to be significantly underfunded and of low quality. According to the U.S. Department of Education, in 2008, more than 40 percent of high-poverty schools received insufficient state and local funding to serve low-income populations, thus lowering per-pupil expenditures on disadvantaged students. Lack of funding at these schools translates to a lack of educational resources such as highly qualified teachers, advanced placement courses, strong science, technology, engineering, and math programs, and extracurricular opportunities, compromising the channels of support that can help improve low-income students’ educational achievements.

So, how could affordable housing policies improve educational outcomes? Because schools and neighborhoods are intimately intertwined, providing equitable and affordable housing opportunities in more affluent areas could raise educational achievement for those low-income students who reside in these homes. Making more affordable dwellings, however, involves a complicated mix of federal subsidies and vouchers, and an array of state policies and local initiatives. Yet some local governments are innovatively integrating housing affordability across neighborhoods and regions. Decades ago, urban planners largely turned to rent control to place limits on how expensive housing could get. Now, they’re turning to a more comprehensive planning approach known as inclusionary zoning—a mandated land-use policy that requires housing developers to set aside a certain share of units for affordable housing. This agreement is usually accompanied by a host of incentives to the developer, among them increased subsidies to offset the profit losses from offering affordable housing. In some cases, inclusionary zoning is set up to be voluntary, so that in exchange for incentives, developers can choose to include affordable housing units in their developments.

Given the enormous shortage in affordable housing, setting up inclusionary zones is only a small step, and must be combined with mixed-use development to ensure different types of community amenities are accessible to all sorts of wage earners. And there needs to be more “upzoning,” another re-zoning technique that increases the density of housing units within a given zone, in theory allowing more affordable housing units to be created in a mandatory inclusionary zone.

Montgomery County, Maryland is just one of many local governments that employs inclusionary zoning, but it was the first to use these innovative zoning practices over 40 years ago. In the 1970s, Montgomery County required developers of housing subdivisions to set aside 12 to 15 percent of units for affordable housing. As a result, a once highly affluent county began to integrate more low-income families, who, in the process, also gained access to a high-quality, low-poverty school system for their children.

In 2010, The Century Foundation released a report that outlined the effects of Montgomery County’s economic integration on academic outcomes. The study found that, by the end of elementary school, the large achievement gap between low-income students and their affluent peers was halved for mathematics and reduced by a third for reading scores.

There’s definitely more to learn about how to best pair affordable housing practices with education policies. But, if implemented properly, access to high-quality education and affordable housing not only can improve educational results and reduce inequitable outcomes for families and their kids. As we are increasingly coming to understand, more equitable educational opportunities can also mean greater and more sustainable economic growth overall.

Scan Jun 3 2015 12 11 PM pdf 1 page

Live from Evans Hall: When I arrived at 506 Evans Hall for this morning’s workshop, this book was on the seminar table looking at me.

I think the ghost of John Hicks is weighing in on the inadequacy of Hicks (1937) as the thing you need to know to do policy-relevant macro with success…


Apropos of:

Paul Krugman Was Right. I, Ken Rogoff, Marty Feldstein, and Many, Many Others Were Wrong

The question is: Why were we wrong? We had, after all, read, learned, and taught the same Hicks-Hansen-Wicksell-Metzler-Tobin macro that was Paul Krugman’s foundation.

Yesterday I wrote: New Economic Thinking, Hicks-Hansen-Wicksell Macro, and Blocking the Back Propagation Induction-Unraveling from the Long Run Omega Point: The Honest Broker for the Week of May 31, 2015

And now I see Paul Krugman writing:

Paul Krugman: Backward Induction and Brad DeLong (Wonkish) – NYTimes.com: “One more thing: Brad says that we came into the crisis…

…expecting business cycles and possible liquidity-trap phases to be short. What do you mean we, white man?

Again, we had the example of Japan–and even aside from Reinhart-Rogoff, it was obvious that Postmodern business cycles were different, with prolonged jobless recoveries…

Touché.

Yes, Paul Krugman is right.

And, yes, at least since the mid-1990s one of the two rules for understaning the economy is: “1. Paul Krugman is right”. And the second is: “2. If you think Paul, Krugman is wrong, see rule #1.” And I really wish he would either become more optimistic about things, or stop being right. As it is, things are depressing and have been depressing for a while.

But even Paul underestimated how depressing things would get and remain:

The post-2008 slump has gone on much longer than even I expected (thanks in part to terrible fiscal policy), and the downward stickiness of wages and prices has been more marked than I imagined…

And Paul was pretty much out there on his own, with his late-1990s Return of Depression Economics.

When those of us who said we expected a “jobless recovery” did so, it was because we thought the task of recovery was more difficult after a financial crisis-driven recession. After a monetary-policy inflation-fighting recession, asset prices return more-or-less to their old configuration and firms can reknit the division of labor in its old pattern because what was profitable is profitable now. After a financial crisis-driven recession, asset prices are in a do configuration and the division of labor has to be reknit in a new pattern. That proceeds slower and takes longer. Thus we expected a slower and more painful recovery. We did not expect no recovery at all. We did not expect output gaps relative to pre-2007 trends to be the same in mid-2015 as in late 2009.

Paul Krugman can say:

simple Hicksian macro–little equilibrium models with some real-world adjustments–has been stunningly successful…

But it was people like Marty Feldstein and Ben Bernanke and Ken Rogoff who taught me simple Hicksian macro. And Paul quotes Ken Rogoff as incorrectly arguing back in 1998 that simple Hicksian macro cannot be the story:

No one should seriously believe that the BOJ would face any significant technical problems in inflating if it puts it mind to the matter, liquidity trap or no. For example, one can feel quite confident that if the BOJ were to issue a 25 percent increase in the current supply and use it to buy back 4 percent of government nominal debt, inflationary expectations would rise…

And we have Marty Feldstein in mid-2010 puzzled at why the simple Hicksian story is doing so well:

Martin Feldstein: Inflation or Deflation?: “While inflation is very likely to remain low for the next few years…

…I am puzzled that bond prices show that investors apparently expect inflation to remain low for ten years and beyond, and that they also do not require higher interest rates as compensation for the risk that the fiscal deficit will cause real interest rates to rise in the future.

And I quoted ???? on Ben Bernanke’s late-2009 confidence that the economy’s non-Hicksian equilibrium-restoring forces were about to kick in, even at the liquidity trap, and so additional stimulative policies were not appropriate:

????: Person of the next five to ten years: “[His] conclu[sion] that 10% unemployment is acceptable…

…that having averted a Depression-style 25% unemployment scenario, his countercyclical work is complete… that the risk of sustained high unemployment is outweighed by the risk of… efforts to boost the economy… by asking for more fiscal stimulus… targeting nominal GDP or… committing… to some [higher] level of inflation…. He simply seems to think that leaving his primary job half done is acceptable. That’s a pretty momentous choice, affecting millions of people directly and billions indirectly. It will shape American politics and economics for the next decade, at least…

And Bernanke’s policies in late-2009–refusing to raise the inflation target to 3%/year (or higher), refusing to call for any baseline catch-up in the price level, failing to strongly request congress to pass fiscal expansion in the form of Recovery Act II, reluctance to back Christina Romer in her “no 1937s–no premature withdrawal of economic stimulus” campaign–make no sense at all unless he, like Marty and Ken, really did not get what was going on.

And there is, well, me. Even in late 2009, I would have given very good odds that the economy would be in much, much better shape than this. Remember: I bet Noah Smith that as of next month the inflation rate would be less than 5%/year, not less than 2%/year. On policy I was with Paul, but on the intellectual issues IRRC I was oscillating between Paul and Ken to a greater degree than I really want to admit right now.

Now here we–Marty, Ken, Ben, I, and many others–and Paul were all working in the same Hicks-Hansen-Wicksell-sticky-price-short-run-plus-full-employment-flex-price-long-run. (It is true that Paul’s version was different in two ways: he took Japan seriously, while we tended to dismiss it as a unique and peculiar situation with too many institutional differences from the North Atlantic to be relevant data; and his was the Yale-Tobin version while ours was the MIT-Dornbusch-Fischer version of the sticky-price-short and flex-price-long run problematic. The difference? Roughly, his version was 80% Hicksian short-run and 20% ocean-is-flat long-run; ours was 40% Hicksian short-run, 30% interesting-transition-dynamics medium-run, and 30% ocean-is-flat long-run.

Krugman’s version was a superior guide in 2007, just as Friedman’s “inflation expectations are deanchoring now!” was superior to MIT’s “lots of things shift Phillips Curves up and down and left and right: we see no strong pattern here” back in 1970.

But Krugman and the others who were right in 2008-9 were in a relatively small minority even of those who had read and remembered Hicks. The Return of Depression Economics was not in any sense the center of gravity of New Keynesian macro in 2007.

There’s lots more to chew on, but that will have to wait a little while…

Job losses, recessions and the U.S. labor market moving forward

The official unemployment rate has been on the decline for several years now—surely a good sign, right? Yet the current near 5-percent rate masks lingering damage in the labor market from the Great Recession. Nor does a jump in the unemployment rate during a recession give us a full picture of labor market dynamics at the time. A new working paper by Princeton University economist Henry S. Farber highlights one important dynamic at play during stressful economic times: the job-loss rate.

When the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics’ monthly Employment Situation report shows a decline in employment  that figure merely shows that employment at firms has declined on net, measuring new jobs as well as discontinued ones. But the number of jobs actually shed before accounting for new jobs isn’t in that top-line unemployment number. If we are interested in what happens to workers after they are laid off then we’d need a data set that figures out which workers left their employers involuntarily. That’s what the Displaced Workers Survey, a supplement to the BLS’s Current Population Survey, does.

Why should we care about the job-loss rate? Well, it tells us important information about the dynamics of a labor market that the basic unemployment rate does not catch. In his paper, Farber compares two periods when the U.S. economy went into deep recessions: the periods of roughly 1981-83 and 2002-09, with lasting trauma for the labor market. The unemployment rate during the two periods were roughly the same (9.6 percent for 1983 and 9.3 percent for 2007). Yet there’s a significant difference in the job loss rate. During 1981 to 1983, the job loss rate was 12.8 percent. In 2007 to 2009, it was 16 percent, a 25-percent increase in the rate.

Put another way, during the early 1980s, about 1 in 8 workers lost a job, but during the Great Recession 1 in 6 workers were laid off.

Looking to the unemployment rate alone would miss out on this difference—that is why we must look to lay-offs to better understand the health of the labor market. And as Farber points out, this means there’s more of a need now to understand the effects, both short-term and long-term, on workers after they lose jobs during a recession.

The current evidence of these effects isn’t good. Discussing a paper on the effects of lay-offs, economist Justin Wolfers summed it up quite succinctly: “losing your job sucks.” Figuring out just how much it sucks over time is an important research question moving forward.

Things to Read on the Evening of June 2, 2015

Must- and Should-Reads:

Also Here at Equitable GrowthThe Equitablog

Might Like to Be Aware of:

Must-Read: BP: Oil and Gas Majors Call for Carbon Pricing

Must-Read: BP: Oil and Gas Majors Call for Carbon Pricing: “BG Group plc, BP plc, Eni S.p.A., Royal Dutch Shell plc, Statoil ASA and Total SA…

…today announced their call to governments around the world and to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) to introduce carbon pricing systems and create clear, stable, ambitious policy frameworks that could eventually connect national systems. These would reduce uncertainty and encourage the most cost effective ways of reducing carbon emissions widely…. The companies recognize both the importance of the climate challenge and the importance of energy to human life and well-being. They acknowledge the current trend of greenhouse gas emissions is in excess of what the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change says is needed to limit global temperature rise to no more than 2 degrees Centigrade, and say they are ready to contribute solutions…

Must-Read: Belle Sawhill: Generation Unbound

Must-Read: Belle Sawhill: Generation Unbound: “Over half of all births to young adults in the United States now occur outside of marriage…

…and many are unplanned. The result is increased poverty and inequality for children. The left argues for more social support for unmarried parents; the right argues for a return to traditional marriage…. Isabel V. Sawhill offers a third approach: change ‘drifters’ into ‘planners.’… ‘Planners,’ who are delaying parenthood until after they marry, with ‘drifters,’ who are having unplanned children early and outside of marriage. These two distinct patterns are contributing to an emerging class divide and threatening social mobility…. It is possible, by changing the default, to move from a culture that accepts a high number of unplanned pregnancies to a culture in which adults only have children when they are ready to be a parent.

Must-Read: Claudia R. Sahm, Matthew D. Shapiro, and Joel Slemrod: Balance-Sheet Households and Fiscal Stimulus: Lessons from the Payroll Tax Cut and Its Expiration

Must-Read: Claudia R. Sahm, Matthew D. Shapiro, and Joel Slemrod: Balance-Sheet Households and Fiscal Stimulus: Lessons from the Payroll Tax Cut and Its Expiration: “Balance-sheet repair drove the response of a significant fraction of households…

…to fiscal stimulus following the Great Recession. By combining survey, behavioral, and time-series evidence on the 2011 payroll tax cut and its expiration in 2013, this papers identifies and analyzes households who smooth debt repayment. These “balance-sheet households” are as prevalent as “permanent-income households,” who smooth consumption in response to the temporary tax cut, and outnumber “constrained households,” who temporarily boost spending. The asymmetric spending response of balance-sheet households poses challenges to standard models, but nonetheless appears important for understanding individual and aggregate responses to fiscal stimulus.