What More Has to Happen Before the Fed Concludes That This Looks Like Yet Another Failed Interest-Rate Liftoff?

Real Gross Domestic Product FRED St Louis Fed

If you had told the Federal Reserve at the start of last December that 2015Q4, 2016Q1, and 2016Q2 were going to come in at 0.9%, 0.8%, and 1.2%, respectively, a rational Fed would not only have not raised interest rates in December, they would have announced that they would not even think of raising interest rates until well into 2017, and they would have started looking for more things they could do that would safely boost demand.

So why is the FOMC now not cutting interest rates back to zero? I mean, what more has to happen before the balance of probabilities says that this is likely to be yet another failed liftoff of interest rates?

In Which I Face My Social Media Ineptitude Squarely

Live from Cyberspace: Welcome praise for J. Bradford DeLong (2015): The Scary Debate Over Secular Stagnation – Milken Institute Review: Hiccup … or Endgame? Much appreciated. Thanks…

Paul Krugman: “Good Review by Brad DeLong: There are still real policy issues out there! The Scary Debate Over Secular Stagnation” https://t.co/f5ancyOEHT

Paul’s tweet July 23 has 180 likes and 91 retweets… The Milken Review’s tweet June 29 has 1 like and 2 retweets… My tweet last October 17 http://tinyurl.com/dl20151017a has 11 likes and 6 retweets…

I am becoming more and more convinced that in the modern age content has to be deployed in stages so that there is never more than a tenfold gap between the length of a teaser or summary and the length of the next largest and most comprehensive version. The gap between a tweet-20 words–and a 4000 word essay is just too great to expect people to bridge.

That means that everything 10,000-70,000 words has to come with a 1,000-7,000-word version, and everything with 1,000-7,000 words has to come with a 100-700 word version, and that even 400-700-word things need to come with a super-tweet version: a screenshot paragraph…

The Bond Market and Expectations: A Parthian Shot

Parthian shot Google Search

In my The Need for Expansionary Fiscal Policy I quote Greg Ip:

policy makers are rightfully wary about acting in the face of so many contradictory signals. In the U.S., unemployment is moving lower and stocks are hitting new highs. Bonds could be pricing in secular stagnation, or merely a greater bias toward hyper-stimulative monetary policy by central banks…

If bond markets were pricing in a a greater bias toward hyper-stimulative monetary policy by central banks, the yield curve would be very steeply sloped indeed. Just saying.

The Need for Expansionary Fiscal Policy

Sisyphus Greek mythology Britannica com

I understand that we are Sisyphus here. And I accept that:

Je laisse Sisyphe au bas de la montagne! On retrouve toujours son fardeau. Mais Sisyphe enseigne la fidélité supérieure qui nie les dieux et soulève les rochers. Lui aussi juge que tout est bien. Cet univers désormais sans maître ne lui paraît ni stérile ni futile. Chacun des grains de cette pierre, chaque éclat minéral de cette montagne pleine de nuit, à lui seul, forme un monde. La lutte elle-même vers les sommets suffit à remplir un coeur d’homme. Il faut imaginer Sisyphe heureux.

But would people who ought to know better please stop adding weights to the stone that we are trying to roll uphill?

Thus I find myself quite annoyed by the sharp and usually-reliable Greg Ip this morning…

Let me back up: Here’s the story so far:

(1) They say that North Atlantic governments cannot afford to spend more to boost their economies via expansionary fiscal policy right now. We point out that current interest rates on Treasury debt are so low low private company would pass up the ability to borrow to stimulate and invest.

(2) They then say that maybe interest-rate will jump up a lot, soon, and thus make borrow to spend to stimulate and invest a bad deal. We point out that financial markets certainly do not expect any such thing. And we points out that, if you are truly worried about longer-run debt sustainability, the standard calculations tell us that debt- and amortization-to-GDP ratios will be lower with aggressive borrow and spend to stimulate and invest policies then with austerity.

(3) They then say that financial markets are irrational and wrong–it interest-rate will go up, will go up soon, and will go up far. We point out that fearful financial markets have been better forecasters then their hopes of imminent normalization every year for the past decade.

(4) They then say: let’s ignore those interest rates and pretend they are not telling us anything about the benefits and costs right now of fiscal expansion. We reply: you are economists–economists are supposed to take prices seriously, not throw the information in them away.

(5) They then say: nevertheless, running up the nominal debt through expansionary fiscal policy is somehow risky. We say: do helicopter money, which does not run up the debt.

(6) They then say: but even a half booming economy will take the pressure off of governments and bureaucrats to undertake urgent and important structural reforms. We ask: what evidence can you point to to support any claim that useful structural reform is easier and I low-pressure that in a high-pressure economy?

And we are met with silence.

And then they go back to parroting their talking point (1) again.

Greg Ip: Needed: A Contingency Plan for Secular Stagnation: “What if Larry Summers is right…

…[and there is] a chronic deficiency of investment relative to savings that has trapped the world in a state of low economic growth largely resistant to monetary policy[?] Events… have strengthened Mr. Summers’s case…. Formerly skeptical economists are less so: Both the International Monetary Fund and the Federal Reserve have implicitly warmed to Mr. Summers’s thesis. With yields taking another leg down after Britain’s vote to leave the European Union, the evidence of secular stagnation, Mr. Summers says, is stronger than ever. If he’s right, the world needs a contingency plan. The most direct response is more expansionary fiscal policy (i.e. lower taxes or higher spending), which would bolster demand and push interest rates up.

But policy makers are rightfully wary about acting in the face of so many contradictory signals. In the U.S., unemployment is moving lower and stocks are hitting new highs. Bonds could be pricing in secular stagnation, or merely a greater bias toward hyper-stimulative monetary policy by central banks…

Why are policy makers rightfully wary? All Ip says is:

Paolo Mauro of the Peterson Institute for International Economics notes that countries have often overestimated their long-term potential growth, resulting in too-high deficits and debts…

Um. No. The arithmetic tells us that at current interest rates fiscal expansion right now will not raise but lower the debt- and amortization-to-GDP ratios. Unless Mauro wants to take that on–which he does not–his piece is irrelevant for that reason alone. Moreover, Mauro seems to think that we have been overestimating long-term potential growth and correcting estimating long-term interest rates. That is wrong. We have been overestimating both long-term interest rates and long-term potential growth. If you overestimate both by the same amount, the biases induced in your estimates of the right current debt-to-GDP ratio are offsetting. The right level of the debt-to-GDP ratio is primarily a function of r-(n+g), the difference between the real interest rate r on Treasury debt and the real growth rate g of productivity plus the real growth rate n of the labor force. A reduction in r accompanied by an equal or smaller reduction in (n+g) is not a first-order reason to reduce government spending or the deficit right now. And that is what we have.

Here Larry Summers is right. Greg Ip is wrong. Larry has by now written a huge amount about his. Yet Ip counterposes his body of work to one working paper by Paulo Mauro that is, as best as I can see, irrelevant to secular stagnation arguments and concerns.

Why is it irrelevant? Mauro does correctly point out that lower future growth is a reason to slow the future growth of real government spending. But what Mauro does not point out is that such a fall in projected future growth is a reason to cut the level of spending now–or to avoid increases in the level of spending that would otherwise be good policy now–only if the slower expected growth is unaccompanied by an equal reduction in Treasury interest rates. Our reduction in expected future economic growth appears to have accompanied by a larger reduction in Treasury interest rates.

This opinions-of-shape-of-earth-differ-both-sides-have-a-point framing is… beneath what Greg ought to be writing. If he thinks Larry is wrong–or even that the anti-Larry case is arguable–he needs to find and quote real arguments that have real relevance here, and more than one of them, not a single piece from the Peterson Institute that is off-point.

Must-Read: Greg Ip: Needed: A Contingency Plan for Secular Stagnation

Must-Read: Um. No. Larry Summers is right. The sharp and usually-reliable Greg Ip is wrong. This opinions-of-shape-of-earth-differ-both-sides-have-a-point framing is simply wrong.

The right level of the debt-to-GDP ratio is primarily a function of r-(n+g), the difference between the real interest rate r on Treasury debt and the real growth rate g of productivity plus the real growth rate n of the labor force. A reduction in r accompanied by an equal or smaller reduction in (n+g) is not a first-order reason to reduce government spending or the deficit now–or to postpone or cancel plans to increase the deficit right now that would otherwise be good policy

Greg Ip: Needed: A Contingency Plan for Secular Stagnation: “If Larry Summers is right…

…the most direct response is more expansionary fiscal policy…. But policy makers are rightfully wary about acting in the face of so many contradictory signals. In the U.S., unemployment is moving lower and stocks are hitting new highs. Bonds could be pricing in secular stagnation, or merely a greater bias toward hyper-stimulative monetary policy by central banks…

Why are policy makers rightfully wary? All Ip says is:

Paolo Mauro of the Peterson Institute for International Economics notes that countries have often overestimated their long-term potential growth, resulting in too-high deficits and debts…

And chasing the link:

Paulo Mauro: Fiscal Policy in the Era of Stagnation: “Policymakers often mistake a long-lasting growth slowdown for a temporary slowdown…

…and systematically fail to increase the primary fiscal surplus sufficiently when the long-run economic growth rate declines. Economic history provides several examples of debt crises or near-crises caused by unexpected, long-lasting slowdowns in economic growth that were not recognized in time…. Ignoring a permanent slowdown in the rate of economic growth can lead to policy mistakes. For example, a country projecting a stable government debt ratio of 100 percent of GDP over the next decade or two would experience an increase in that ratio to 140 percent in 10 years if growth turns out to be 1 percentage point lower than assumed. As deficits rise, the ratio would balloon to more than 200 percent after 20 years…

Source: P. Mauro, R. Romeu, A. Binder, and A. Zaman, 2013, A Modern History of Fiscal Prudence and Profligacy (link is external), IMF Working Paper 13/5, Washington: International Monetary Fund.

The implication Ip takes from this is simply wrong. Slower future growth is a reason to slow the future growth of real government spending. It is a reason to cut the level of spending now–or to avoid increases in the level of spending that would otherwise be good policy–only if the slower expected growth is unaccompanied by an equal reduction in Treasury interest rates. But that is not the case: our reduction in expected future economic growth is accompanied by a larger reduction in Treasury interest rates.

Must-Read: Atif R. Mian, Amir Sufi, and Emil Verner: Household Debt and Business Cycles Worldwide

Must-Read: Atif R. Mian, Amir Sufi, and Emil Verner: Household Debt and Business Cycles Worldwide: “An increase in the household debt to GDP ratio in the medium run…

…predicts lower subsequent GDP growth, higher unemployment, and negative growth forecasting errors in a panel of 30 countries from 1960 to 2012…. Low mortgage spreads predict an increase in the household debt to GDP ratio and a decline in subsequent GDP growth when used as an instrument. The negative relation between the change in household debt to GDP and subsequent output growth is stronger for countries that face stricter monetary policy constraints as measured by a less flexible exchange rate regime, proximity to the zero lower bound, or more external borrowing. A rise in the household debt to GDP ratio is contemporaneously associated with a consumption boom followed by a reversal in the trade deficit as imports collapse. We also uncover a global household debt cycle that partly predicts the severity of the global growth slowdown after 2007. Countries with a household debt cycle more correlated with the global household debt cycle experience a sharper decline in growth after an increase in domestic household debt.

Must-Read: Sarah Bloom Raskin (2013): Aspects of Inequality in the Recent Business Cycle

Must-Read: Sarah Bloom Raskin (2013): Aspects of Inequality in the Recent Business Cycle: “An issue of growing saliency…

…how… economic marginalization and financial vulnerability, associated with stagnant wages and rising inequality, contributed to the run-up to the financial crisis and how such marginalization and vulnerability could be relevant in the current recovery…. I want to zero in on the question of whether inequality itself is undermining our country’s economic strength according to available macroeconomic indicators….

I will argue that at the start of this recession, an unusually large number of low- and middle-income households were vulnerable to exactly the types of shocks that sparked the financial crisis… 30 years of very sluggish real-wage growth… unusually large share of their wealth in housing… debt…. exposure to house prices had increased dramatically. Thus, as in past recessions, suffering in the Great Recession–though widespread–was most painful and most perilous for low- and middle-income households, which were also more likely to be affected by job loss and had little wealth to fall back on. Moreover, I am persuaded that because of how hard these lower- and middle-income households were hit, the recession was worse and the recovery has been weaker. The recovery has also been hampered by a continuation of longer-term trends that have reduced employment prospects for those at the lower end of the income distribution and produced weak wage growth….

I want to explore these issues today because the answers may have implications for the Federal Reserve’s efforts to understand the recession and conduct policy in a way that contributes to a stronger pace of recovery…. I hope my remarks spur more inquiry and discussion. I should also note that the views I express are my own…. To be sure, the increase in mortgage debt prior to the recession occurred across all types of households. But it was families with modest incomes and wealth largely in their homes that were the most vulnerable to subsequent drops in home values…. Given these developments, when house prices fell, household finances were struck a devastating blow. The resulting fallout magnified this initial shock, ushering in the Great Recession….

About two-thirds of all job losses in the recession were in middle-wage occupations–such as manufacturing, skilled construction, and office administration jobs–but these occupations have accounted for less than one-fourth of subsequent job growth…. It is not only the occupational and industrial distribution of the new jobs that poses challenges for workers and their families struggling to make ends meet, but also the fact that many of the jobs that have returned are part time or make use of temporary arrangements popularly known as contingent work. The flexibility of these jobs may be beneficial for workers who want or need time to address their family needs. However, workers in these jobs often receive less pay and fewer benefits than traditional full-time or ‘permanent’ workers, are much less likely to benefit from the protections of labor and employment laws, and often have no real pathway to upward mobility in the workplace….

My approach of starting with inequality and differences across households is not a feature of most analyses of the macroeconomy, and the channels I have emphasized generally do not play key roles in most macro models…. The narrative I have emphasized places economic inequality and the differential experiences of American families, particularly the highly adverse experiences of those least well positioned to absorb their ‘realized shocks,’ closer to the front and center of the macroeconomic adjustment process…. Circumstances–the outsized role of housing wealth in the portfolios of low- and middle-income households, the increased use of debt during the boom, and the subsequent unprecedented shocks to the housing market–may have attenuated the effectiveness of monetary policy during the depths of the recession. Households that have been through foreclosure or have underwater mortgages or are otherwise credit constrained are less able than other households to take advantage of the lower interest rates, either for homebuying or other purposes. In my view, these effects likely clogged some of the channels through which monetary policy traditionally works…


  • Congressional Budget Office (2011), Trends in the Distribution of Household Income between 1979 and 2007 (PDF) (Washington: CBO, October).
  • Orazio P. Attanasio and Guglielmo Weber (2010), ‘Consumption and Saving: Models of Intertemporal Allocation and Their Implications for Public Policy,’ Journal of Economic Literature, vol. 48 (September), pp. 693-751.
  • Dirk Krueger and Fabrizio Perri (2006), ‘Does Income Inequality Lead to Consumption Inequality? Evidence and Theory,’ Review of Economic Studies, vol. 73 (January), pp. 163-93
  • Mark A. Aguiar and Mark Bils (2011), ‘Has Consumption Inequality Mirrored Income Inequality?’ NBER Working Paper Series 16807 (Cambridge, Mass.: National Bureau of Economic Research, February)
  • Orazio Attanasio, Erik Hurst, and Luigi Pistaferri (2012), ‘The Evolution of Income, Consumption, and Leisure Inequality in the US, 1980-2010,’ NBER Working Paper Series 17982 (Cambridge, Mass.: National Bureau of Economic Research, April).
  • Marianne Bertrand and Adair Morse (2013), ‘Trickle-Down Consumption,’ NBER Working Paper Series 18883 (Cambridge, Mass.: National Bureau of Economic Research, March).
  • Jason DeBacker, Bradley Heim, Vasia Panousi, and Ivan Vidangos (2011), ‘Rising Inequality: Transitory or Permanent? New Evidence from a U.S. Panel of Household Income 1987-2006,’ Finance and Economics Discussion Series 2011-60 (Washington: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, December).
  • Raghuram Rajan (2010), Fault Lines: How Hidden Fractures Still Threaten the World Economy (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press)
  • Michael Kumhof and Romain Ranciere (2011), ‘Inequality, Leverage and Crises,’ CEPR Discussion Paper 8179 (London: Centre for Economic Policy Research, January)
  • Michael D. Bordo and Christopher M. Meissner (2012), ‘Does Inequality Lead to a Financial Crisis?’ NBER Working Paper Series 17896 (Cambridge, Mass.: National Bureau of Economic Research, March)
  • Neil Bhutta (2011), ‘The Community Reinvestment Act and Mortgage Lending to Lower Income Borrowers and Neighborhoods,’ Journal of Law and Economics, vol. 54 (November), pp. 953-83
  • Neil Bhutta (2012), ‘GSE Activity and Mortgage Supply in Lower-Income and Minority Neighborhoods: The Effect of the Affordable Housing Goals,’ Journal of Real Estate Finance and Economics, vol. 45 (June), pp. 238-61.
  • Atif Mian, Kamalesh Rao, and Amir Sufi (2011), ‘Household Balance Sheets, Consumption, and the Economic Slump (PDF),’
  • Karen Dynan (2012), ‘Is a Household Debt Overhang Holding Back Consumption?’ Brookings Papers on Economic Activity, Spring, pp. 299-358.
  • Rudiger Ahrend, Jens Arnold, and Charlotte Moeser (2011), ‘The Sharing of Macroeconomic Risk: Who Loses (and Gains) from Macroeconomic Shocks,’ OECD Economics Department Working Papers 877 (Washington: OECD Publishing, July).
  • Carmen DeNavas-Walt, Bernadette D. Proctor, and Jessica C. Smith (2012), Income, Poverty, and Health Insurance Coverage in the United States: 2011 (PDF), U.S. Census Bureau Current Population Reports P60-243 (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, September).
  • National Employment Law Project (2012), ‘The Low-Wage Recovery and Growing Inequality,’ Data Brief, report (New York: NELP, August), http://nelp.3cdn.net/8ee4a46a37c86939c0_qjm6bkhe0.pdf.
  • See Nir Jaimovich and Henry E. Siu (2012), ‘The Trend Is the Cycle: Job Polarization and Jobless Recoveries,’ NBER Working Paper Series 18334 (Cambridge, Mass: National Bureau of Economic Research, August)
  • Christopher L. Foote and Richard W. Ryan (2012), ‘Labor-Market Polarization over the Business Cycle,’ Public Policy Discussion Paper 12-8 (Boston: Federal Reserve Bank of Boston, December).
  • U.S. Department of Labor, Commission on the Future of Worker-Management Relations (1994), ‘Contingent Workers,’ in Fact Finding Report.
  • Steven J. Davis and Till von Wachter (2011), ‘Recessions and the Costs of Job Loss,’ Brookings Papers on Economic Activity, Fall, pp. 1-55.
  • Jesse Rothstein (2012), ‘The Labor Market Four Years into the Crisis: Assessing Structural Explanations,’ ILRReview, vol. 65 (July), figure 11, p. 486.

Brexit: I Think Paul Krugman Is Confused Here…

Interest Rates Government Securities Treasury Bills for United Kingdom© FRED St Louis Fed

Bearing in mind what has happened to me almost every single time since 1997 when I have concluded that Paul Krugman is wrong…

The key, I think, is something hidden in Paul’s column. It is the fact that the effect of pretty much any shock depends on what the private financial market and the public monetary and fiscal policy response to it is:

Paul Krugman: Still Confused About Brexit Macroeconomics: “OK, I am still finding it hard to understand the near-consensus among my colleagues…

…about the short- and medium-term effects of Brexit…. [While] Brexit will make Britain somewhat poorer in the long run, it’s not completely obvious why this should lead to a recession in the short run…. So let me give an example of the kind of analysis that I think should raise eyebrows: BlackRock…. “‘Our base case is we will have a recession’, Richard Turnill, chief investment strategist at the world’s largest asset manager, told reporters…. ‘There’s likely to be a significant reduction of investment in the UK,’ he said, adding that Brexit will ensure political and economic uncertainty remains high…

When we say ‘uncertainty’, what do we mean? The best answer I’ve gotten is that for a while, until things have shaken out, firms won’t be sure where the good investment opportunities in Britain are, so there will be an option value to waiting… Brexit might have seriously adverse effects on service exports from the City of London. This would mean that investment in, say, London office buildings would become a bad idea. On the other hand, it would also mean a weaker pound, making investment in industrial properties in the north of England more attractive. But you don’t know how big either effect might be. So both kinds of investment are put on hold, pending clarification.

OK, that’s a coherent story, and it could lead to a recession next year. At some point, however, this situation clarifies. Either we see financial business exiting London, and it becomes clear that a weak pound is here to stay, or the charms of Paris and Frankfurt turn out to be overstated, and London goes back to what it was. Either way, the pent-up investment spending that was put on hold should come back. This doesn’t just mean that the hit to growth is temporary: there should also be a bounce-back…. But that’s not what BlackRock, or almost anyone else, seems to be saying; they’re projecting lower growth as far as the eye can see. They could be right. But I still don’t see the logic. It seems to me that ‘uncertainty’ is being used as a catchall for ‘bad stuff’.

When asset managers–indeed, when anyone anywhere in the world who is not a trained economist–uses the phrase “more uncertainty”, they do not mean what me trained (or mistrained) economists mean: they do not mean that the future distribution of the random variable has a larger variance but the same mean. What they mean, instead, is that the distribution has a larger and longer lower tail. The variance is up and the mean is lower. The principal thing they see as pushing down investment in the near future is the fear of this lower tail–not capitalizing on the option value of waiting until more knowledge comes in.

Back in 1992 Britain exited the ERM. ERMexit had two effects: (1) a small reduction in the desirability of locating in Britain to serve the continental European market because one now faced exchange rate risk, and (2) a large easing of conventional monetary policy and thus lower interest rates and a lower value of the pound because the Bank of England no longer had to maintain the pound at an overvalued parity. The result: boom.

Today Brexit looks to have two effects: (1) a large reduction in the desirability of locating in Britain to serve the continental European market, and (2) ???? (we are not going to get a large easing of conventional monetary policy):

Interest Rates Government Securities Treasury Bills for United Kingdom© FRED St Louis Fed

In a proper neoclassical flex-price zero-debt world that was, somehow, at the zero lower bound on nominal interest rates, the response to Brexit would be to bounce the real value of the pound down and to bounce the internal price level down and follow that bounce with higher inflation. The much more strongly negative real interest rate produced by the price level bounce-down-followed-by-inflation would cushion the decline in investment. And the boost to exports from the bounced-down real value of the pound would soak up workers exiting investment-goods industries and maintain full employment.

Of course, the proper neoclassical flex-price zero-debt world is one in which the full operation of Say’s Law is a metaphysical necessity, and so full employment is always attained. We, however, do not live in a proper neoclassical flex-price zero-debt world. It is the job of fiscal and monetary authorities to follow policies that push real prices–real exchange rates, real interest rates, real wage levels–to the values that would obtain in such a world, and so preserve full employment. We can imagine:

*1. Expansion of government purchases: preserve full employment by replacing I with G. Not going to happen in any Britain ruled by anything like this generation of Tories.
2. A helicopter drop: the Bank of England buys bonds for cash, cancels the bonds, and the government cuts taxes by the amount of cancelled bonds. Might happen even with this generation of Tories if they were less thick. But they seem to be very thick indeed.
3. Continued whimpers from Mark Carney that he would not chase away the Inflation-Expectations Imp were she to somehow appear. Not likely to be effective.
4. Everybody becomes so terrified about the safety of their assets in Britain that the real value of the pound bounces low enough that expanding exports soak up all of labor exiting from investment-goods industries.

Paul seem to be betting that (4) is a real live high-probability possibility: the short-term safe real interest rate is pinned at -2%/year for the foreseeable future, but the pound will bounce low enough for expanded exports to preserve full employment. It could happen–the world is a surprising place. But that possibility seems to me to be a tail possibility, not something that should be at the core of one’s forecast.

Must-Read: Paul Krugman: Cheap Money Talks

Must-Read: Paul Krugman: Cheap Money Talks: “Late last year the yield on 10-year U.S. government bonds was around 2.3 percent, already historically low…

…on Friday it was just 1.36 percent…. Some… blame the Federal Reserve and the European Central Bank, accusing them of engineering ‘artificially low’ interest rates that encourage speculation and distort the economy… largely the same people who used to predict that budget deficits would cause interest rates to soar…. They’re not making sense….‘Artificially low’ mean[s]… excessively easy money… [what generates] out-of-control inflation. That’s not happening…. If anything, developments in the real economies of the advanced world are telling us that interest rates aren’t low enough….

But why? In some past episodes… the story has been one of a flight to safety…. But there’s little sign of such a fear-driven process now…. Most famously Larry Summers, but also yours truly and others… [say] weak demand and a bias toward deflation are enduring problems… [no] return to what we used to consider normal…. Low short-term interest rates for a very long time, and [so] low long-term rates right away….

Raising rates in the face of weak economies would be an act of folly…. What policy makers should be doing, instead, is accepting the markets’ offer of incredibly cheap financing…. There are huge unmet demands for public investment on both sides of the Atlantic…. This would be eminently worth doing even if it wouldn’t also create jobs, but it would do that too…. Deficit scolds would issue dire warnings…. But they have been wrong about everything for at least the past eight years, and it’s time to stop taking them seriously. They say that money talks; well, cheap money is speaking very clearly right now, and it’s telling us to invest in our future.

Must-Read: Storify: Paul Krugman Is, I Think, Highly Likely to Be Correct on the Policy Irrelevance of the Risk Premium. The Mystery Is Why the Very Sharp Ken Rogoff Takes a Different View…

Must-Read: Storify: Oh Noes! Paul Krugman Has Caught the Tweetstorm Disease!: “Paul Krugman Is, I Think, Highly Likely to Be Correct on the Policy Irrelevance of the Risk Premium. The Mystery Is Why the Very Sharp Ken Rogoff Takes a Different View…