Must-Read: Matthew Yglesias: Financial markets are begging the US, Europe, and Japan to run bigger deficits

Must-Read: Matthew Yglesias: Financial markets are begging the US, Europe, and Japan to run bigger deficits: “The international financial community wants to lend money this cheaply…

… [so] governments should borrow money and put it to good use. Ideally that would mean spending it on infrastructure projects that are large, expensive, and useful–the kind of thing that will pay dividends for decades to come…. But if you don’t believe there are any useful projects or if your country’s political system is simply too gridlocked to find them, there are easy alternatives. Do a broad-based tax cut…. The opportunity to borrow this cheaply (probably) won’t last forever, and countries that boost their deficits will (probably) have to reverse course, but while it lasts everyone could be enjoying a better life instead of pointless austerity.

Must-Read: FOMC: Press Release–June 15, 2016

Must-Read: Somebody really should have dissented from this press release: if 0.5% is the forecast of the appropriate Fed Funds rate in 2018, zero is the appropriate Fed Funds rate now.

But who? Charlie Evans or Lael Brainard? I would bet Lael, based solely on the Fed convention that a Governor’s dissent is a much bigger deal than a Regional Bank President’s dissent. But that is only a guess: I do not know…

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FOMC: Press Release–June 15, 2016: “The pace of improvement in the labor market has slowed while growth in economic activity appears to have picked up…

…Inflation has continued to run below the Committee’s 2 percent longer-run objective, partly reflecting earlier declines in energy prices and in prices of non-energy imports. Market-based measures of inflation compensation declined; most survey-based measures of longer-term inflation expectations are little changed, on balance, in recent months…. The Committee currently expects that, with gradual adjustments in the stance of monetary policy, economic activity will expand at a moderate pace and labor market indicators will strengthen. Inflation is expected to remain low in the near term, in part because of earlier declines in energy prices, but to rise to 2 percent over the medium term…. Against this backdrop, the Committee decided to maintain the target range for the federal funds rate…. In determining the timing and size of future adjustments to the target range for the federal funds rate, the Committee will assess realized and expected economic conditions relative to its objectives of maximum employment and 2 percent inflation…. The Committee expects that economic conditions will evolve in a manner that will warrant only gradual increases in the federal funds rate; the federal funds rate is likely to remain, for some time, below levels that are expected to prevail in the longer run. However, the actual path of the federal funds rate will depend on the economic outlook as informed by incoming data…

Must-Read: Gauti B. Eggertsson, Neil R. Mehrotra, Sanjay R. Singh, and Lawrence H. Summers: A Contagious Malady? Open Economy Dimensions of Secular Stagnation

Must-Read: Gauti B. Eggertsson, Neil R. Mehrotra, Sanjay R. Singh, and Lawrence H. Summers: A Contagious Malady? Open Economy Dimensions of Secular Stagnation: “We consider an overlapping generations, open economy model of secular stagnation…

…and examine the effect of capital flows on the transmission of stagnation. In a world with a low natural rate of interest, greater capital integration transmits recessions across countries…. In a global secular stagnation, expansionary fiscal policy carries positive spillovers implying gains from coordination, and fiscal policy is self-financing. Expansionary monetary policy, by contrast, is beggar-thy-neighbor…. Competitiveness policies, including structural labor market reforms or neomercantilist trade policies, are also beggar-thy-neighbor in a global secular stagnation…

Must-Read: Bill Emmott: Let’s Get Fiscal

Must-Read: I find myself thinking that when Larry and I presented our “Fiscal Policy in a Depressed Economy” back in 2012, some critics (Valerie Ramey) said they did not think there was hysteresis–that recessions did not, in fact, cast shadows on future productive potential–other critics (Marty Feldstein) said that they thought recessions had a cleansing effect (either through sectoral-adjustment or policy-reform channels) and hence boosted future potential; and yet others (Ken Rogoff) believed that the interest rates on government debt did not in fact represent the true opportunity cost of government borrowing, and it would turn out to be very expensive for even reserve currency-issuing sovereigns with exorbitant privilege to pull the fiscal-expansion fire alarm.

I wonder if any of them would claim that austerity lowers future debt/GDP burdens today?

Bill Emmott: Let’s Get Fiscal: “There can be pain without gain–a lesson that Western populations have been learning the hard way since at least 2012…

…With years of fiscal austerity in the United States, Europe, and Japan having achieved nothing, it is time for governments to start spending again. The proposal will be met with outrage from many governments, especially, but not exclusively, Germany’s, and will be dismissed by the many political candidates who treat sovereign debt, built up by the incumbents they are seeking to depose, as the devil’s work. But beyond ideology and self-interest lies a simple and unavoidable truth: austerity is not working. Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe reluctantly acknowledged austerity’s failure…. The eurozone–the developed world’s leading champion of austerity–has yet to come to the same realization, despite glaring evidence. In 2012, eurozone leaders signed a fiscal compact aimed at controlling public debt–which, in total, amounted to 91.3% of GDP, according to the International Monetary Fund – by forcing countries to cut spending and raise taxes. By 2015, the eurozone’s budget deficit, as a share of GDP, had fallen by two-thirds from its peak in 2010.
Yet gross public debt had actually increased, to 93.2% of GDP….

The more governments cut their deficits, the faster growth slows–and the further out of reach debt-reduction targets become. Thus runs the self-defeating cycle of fiscal austerity…. Policymakers after 2010… assume[d] that reducing government demand would help to boost private investment. (In the eurozone, it should be noted, arguments for fiscal austerity were also fueled by mistrust among governments, with creditor countries demanding that debtors endure some pain in exchange for ‘gains’ like bailouts.) But times have changed. For starters, we are no longer living in an inflationary era…. Pursuing austerity in this context has resulted in a drag on growth so severe that not even the halving of energy prices over the last 18 months has overcome it.

Expansionary monetary policy–that is, massive injections of liquidity through so-called quantitative easing–is clearly not enough, either…. In today’s world, nothing can substitute for fiscal expansion…. Europe needs a new Marshall Plan, this time self-financed, rather than funded by the Americans, to kick-start economic growth and boost productivity. There is plenty of scope for a similar program in the US, too…. At a time of low borrowing costs and little to no inflation (or even deflation), austerity is not the answer. It is time for policymakers to recognize that there is no need for pain that is not bringing any gain. It is time to get fiscal.

Must-Read: Larry Summers: Fed’s Current Strategy Ill Adapted to the Realities

Must-Read: Larry Summers is right.

If the Phillips Curve today still had the short-run slope in the gearing of expected inflation to recent past inflation that it appeared to have at the start of the 1980s, there might–but only might–be a case for the Federal Reserve’s current policy.

There is no reason for internal comity between the Board of Governors and the regional bank presidents to be a concern: Bernanke and Yellen have now had three full regional bank-appointment cycles to get bank presidents who are on the same page as the Board of Governors. The Federal Reserve always has and is understood to have the freedom to raise interest rates to maintain price stability when incoming data suggests that it is threatened: there is no need for talk to highball the chances of future rate increases when the current data flow does not suggest it will be needed. Thus I see no reasons at all to support a Fed policy posture other than that one that Larry Summers recommends: “signal[ling] its commitment to accelerating growth and avoiding a return to recession, even at some cost in terms of other risks…”

Larry Summers: Fed’s Current Strategy Ill Adapted to the Realities: “The current hawkish inclination of the Fed, with its chronic hope and belief that conditions will soon permit interest rate increases, is misguided…

…The greater danger is of too little rather than too much demand. A new Fed paradigm is therefore in order…. I would guess that from here the annual probability of recession is 25-30 percent. This seems to me the only way to interpret the yield curve. Markets anticipate only about 65 basis point of increase in short rates over the next 3 years. Whereas the Fed dots suggest that rates will normalize at 3.3 points, the market thinks that even 5 years from now they will be about 1.25 percent. Markets are thinking that recession will come at some point and when it does rates will go to near zero…. This implies that if the Fed is serious… about having a symmetric 2 percent inflation target then its near-term target should be in excess of 2 percent. Prior to the next recession–which will presumably be deflationary–the Fed should want inflation to be above its long term target…. The Fed’s dots forecasts refer to a modal scenario of continued recovery… [with] inflation rising to 2 percent only in 2018. Why shouldn’t they prefer a path with more demand, inflation at target sooner, more stimulus as recession insurance, and a small margin of extra inflation as a buffer against the next recession?….

The logic that led to the adoption of the 2 percent inflation target years ago suggests that it is too low now…. The case for a positive inflation target balances the benefits of stable money with the output cost of lowering inflation and two ways that positive inflation is helpful—the periodic need to have negative real rates, and inflation’s role in facilitating downward adjustment in real wages given nominal rigidities. All of the factors pointing towards a higher inflation target have gained force in recent years…. Experience has proven that Yellen was correct to be skeptical of the idea very low inflation rates would improve productivity. And it is plausible that the error in price indices has increased with the introduction of new categories of innovative and often free products…. If a two percent inflation target reflected a proper balance when it first came into vogue decades ago, a higher target is probably appropriate today….

Long term inflation expectations are depressed and declining…. The Fed has in the past counterbalanced declines in market inflation expectation measures by pointing to the relative stability in surveys-based measures. This argument is much harder to make now that consumer expectations of inflation have broken decisively below their all-time lows even as gas prices have been rising…. The Fed’s summary employment conditions index has been flashing yellow since the beginning of the year. Declines in this measure have presaged recession half of the time and uniformly been followed by rate reductions rather than rate increases….

The right concern for the Fed now should be to signal its commitment to accelerating growth and avoiding a return to recession, even at some cost in terms of other risks. This is not the Fed’s policy posture. Watching the Fed over the last year there is a Groundhog Day aspect. One senses they really want to raise rates and achieve a more ‘normal’ stance. But at the same time they do not want to tighten when the economy may be slowing or create financial turmoil. So they keep holding out the prospect of future rate increases and then find themselves unable to deliver. But they always revert to holding out the prospect of rate increases soon, partly for internal comity and partly to preserve optionality. Over the last 12 months nominal GDP has risen at a rate of only 3.3 percent. We hardly seem in danger of demand running away. Today we learned that Germany has followed Japan into negative 10 year rates. We are only one recession away from joining the club…

Tim Duy’s Five Questions for Janet Yellen

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A very nice piece here from the very-sharp Tim Duy:

Tim Duy: Five Questions for Janet Yellen

Next week’s meeting of the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) includes a press conference with Chair Janet Yellen. These are five questions I would ask if I had the opportunity to do so in light of recent events.

(1) 1. What’s the deal with labor market conditions? You advocated for the creation of the Federal Reserve’s Labor Market Conditions Index (LMCI) to serve as a broader measure of the labor market and as an alternative to a narrow measure such as the unemployment rate. The LMCI declined for five consecutive months through May, the most recent release…. On June 6, however, you said that:

the job market has strengthened substantially, and I believe we are now close to eliminating the slack that has weighed on the labor market since the recession.

The LCMI signals that although the economy may be operating near full employment, it is now moving further away from that goal. Is it appropriate for the Fed to still be considering interest rate hikes when your measure is moving away from the goal of full employment? Or have you determined the LMCI is not a useful measure of labor market conditions?

(2) Has the effect of QE been underestimated? Since the Fed began and completed the process of ending quantitative easing (QE), the dollar has risen in value, the stock market rally has stalled, the yield curve has flattened, broader economic activity has slowed, and now we are experiencing a slowing in labor market activity. These are all traditionally signs of tighter monetary policy, but you have insisted that tapering is not tightening and that policy remains accommodative. Given these signs, is it possible or even likely that you have underestimated the effectiveness of QE and hence are now overestimating the level of financial accommodation?

(3) Optimal control or no? The Fed appears determined to hit its inflation target from below. In other words, the central bank is positioning policy to tighten despite inflation currently running below the 2 percent target in order to avoid an overshoot at a later date. In the past, however, you argued for an ‘optimal control’ approach that anticipated an explicit overshooting of the inflation target in order to more rapidly meet the Fed’s mandate of full employment. Under optimal control, it seems that given stalled progress on reducing underemployment, coupled with deteriorating labor market conditions, the Fed should now be explicitly aiming to overshoot the inflation target by keeping policy loose. Do you believe the optimal control approach you previously advocated is wrong? If so, what caused you to change your mind?

(4) An Evans Rule for all? Chicago Federal Reserve President Charles Evans remains concerned about asymmetric policy risks. Persistently below target inflation risks undermining the public’s belief that the Fed is committed to reaching its target. Such a loss of credibility hampers the ability to subsequently meet the central bank’s target. In contrast, the well-known effectiveness of traditional policy tools means there is less upside risk to inflation. Consequently, he argues for an updated version of the Evans Rule (or an earlier commitment to not hike rates as long as unemployment exceeded 6.5 percent and inflation was below 2.5 percent).
Specifically, Evans said:

In order to ensure confidence that the U.S. will get to 2 percent inflation, it may be best to hold off raising interest rates until core inflation is actually at 2 percent. The downside inflation risks seem big — losing credibility on the downside would make it all that more difficult to ever reach our inflation target. The upside risks on inflation seem smaller.

Recall that in your most recent speech you indicated unease with inflation expectations and — at least implicitly — recognized the asymmetry of policy risks:

It is unclear whether these indicators point to a true decline in those inflation expectations that are relevant for price setting; for example, the financial market measures may reflect changing attitudes toward inflation risk more than actual inflation expectations. But the indicators have moved enough to get my close attention. If inflation expectations really are moving lower, that could call into question whether inflation will move back to 2 percent as quickly as I expect.

This — especially when combined with your past support for an optimal control approach to policy — suggests that you should be amenable to adopting Evans’ position. Do you support Evans’ proposal that the Fed should stand down from rate hikes until the inflation target is reached? Why or why not?

(5) Just how much do you care about the rest of the world? Earlier this year, Federal Reserve Governor Lael Brainard suggested that the many developed economies operating at or below zero percent interest rates reduces the central bank’s capacity for raising rates:

‘Financial tightening associated with cross-border spillovers may be limiting the extent to which U.S. policy diverges from major economies…

At last September’s FOMC press conference, you said that you thought the global forces were insufficient to restrain the path of U.S. monetary policy. In response to a question about ‘global interconnectedness’ preventing the U.S. from ever moving away from zero percent interest rates, you said:

I would be very surprised if that’s the case. That is not the way I see the outlook or the way the Committee sees the outlook. Can I completely rule it out? I can’t completely rule it out. But, really, that’s an extreme downside risk that in no way is near the center of my outlook.

Given the events of the past six months — especially the refusal of longer-term U.S. Treasury yields to rise despite repeated hints of monetary tightening — have you reassessed your opinion? Do you view the risks of such an outcome as greater or lower than your assessment made last September?

Bottom Line: Most of these questions try to push Yellen to explain her past positions in light of the current data and actions. I think understanding how and why her positions change is critical to understanding how the Fed reacts to the conditions facing it. Making the so-called ‘reaction function’ clear remains the most important piece of the Fed’s communication strategy.

These five questions–“What’s the deal with labor market conditions?… Has the effect of QE been underestimated?… Optimal control or no?… An Evans Rule for all?… Just how much do you care about the rest of the world?”–are the right questions to ask. And Tim’s bottom line–“Push Yellen to explain her past positions in light of the current data and actions. I think understanding how and why her positions change is critical…. Making the so-called ‘reaction function’ clear remains the most important piece of the Fed’s communication strategy”–is the right bottom line.

After all, does this look like an economy crossing the line of potential output in an upward direction with growing and substantial gathering inflationary pressures to you?

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The Federal Reserve is simply not doing a good job of communicating its reaction function. It is not doing a good job of linking its model of the economy to current data and past events. Inflation, production, and employment (but not the unemployment rate) have been disappointingly low relative to Federal Reserve expectations for each of the past nine years. These events should have led to substantial rethinking by the Federal Reserve of its model of the economy. And yet the model set forward by Yellen and Fischer (but not Evans and Brainard) appears to be very much the model they held to in the late 1990s, which was the model they believed in in the early 1980s: very strong gearing between recent-past inflation and expected inflation, and a Phillips Curve with a pronounced slope, even with inflation very low.

Unless my Visualization of the Cosmic All is grossly wrong along the relevant dimensions, this is not the right model of the current economy. There was never good reason to think that the bulk of the runup in inflation in the 1970s was due to excessive demand pressure and unemployment below the natural rate–it was, more probably, mostly due to supply shocks plus the lack of anchored expectations. Only if you highball the estimate of the Phillips Curve’s slope for the 1970s can you understand the fall in inflation in the early 1980s as due overwhelmingly to slack, rather than ascribing a component to the reanchoring of inflation expectations. Thus the way to bet is that the economy on its current trajectory will produce less upward pressure on current inflation and also on inflation expectations than the Federal Reserve currently projects.

But how will it react when the data once again disappoints Federal Reserve expectations–as it has? In June 2013, the Fed was predicting that annual GDP growth during the 2013-2015 period would average 2.9%, with longer-run growth of real potential GDP averaging 2.4%. Instead, annual growth has averaged 2.3% (or 2.2%, if estimates for the first half of 2016 are correct). Nor did it perform better on other measures. The Fed predicted an annual inflation rate, based on the personal consumption expenditures index, of 1.9% for 2015. The true number was 1.5%. Similarly, its average projection of the federal funds rate for 2015 was 1.5%. The figure is currently 0.25%. This three-year period, starting in 2013, in which the economy undershot the Fed’s expectations, follows a three-year period in which the economy likewise fell short of the Fed’s forecast. And that period followed a three-year period, starting in 2007, in which the Fed massively understated downside deflationary risks.

Yet the prevailing model does appear to be the model of the early 1980s. It continues to gear inflation expectations at unrealistically high levels based on past inflation. And it continues to rely on the unemployment rate as a stand-in for the state of the labor market, at the expense of other indicators. So the big questions are: Will that commitment break? What would make them revise their models of the economy? And how will those model revisions affect their policy reaction function map from data to interest rates?

In an environment of economic volatility like the one in which we find ourselves today, a prudent central bank should do everything it can to raise expected and actual inflation, in order to gain the ability to stabilize the economy in any direction. If interest rates were well above zero, the Fed would have scope to raise them further in case of overheating or to lower them in response to adverse demand shocks.
But the Fed continues to neglect asymmetry, considering it only a second- or third-order phenomenon. It is not pushing for inflation at or above its target, even as optimal-control doctrines that themselves neglect asymmetry call for such a trajectory. Instead, by tightening policy by an amount that it cannot reliably gauge, it is narrowing its room for maneuver.

Looking at the current composition of the FOMC does not add to confidence:

  • On the left, Lael Brainard and Charles Evans certainly understand the situation–and have been right about almost everything they have opined on over the past eight years. Dan Tarullo shares their orientation, but these are not his issues.

  • On the right, Robert Kaplan and Patrick Harker replace hawks who were always certain, often wrong, and never open-minded–and are the products of failed searches: a job search is not supposed to choose a director of the search-consultant firm or the head of the search committee. Jeffrey Lacker and James Bullard and their staffs have been more wrong on monetary policy than the average FOMC member over the past eight years, but do not appear to have taken wrongness as a sign that their views of the economy might need a rethink. Esther George and Loretta Mester and their staffs feel the pain of a commercial banking sector in the current interest-rate environment, but I have never been convinced they understand how disastrous for commercial banks the medium- and long-term consequences of premature tightening and interest-rate liftoff would be.

  • In the neutral center, Jerome Powell does not appear to have views that differ from those of the committee as a whole. These are not Neel Kashkari’s issues: he is too good a bureaucrat to want to dissent from any consensus or near consensus on issues that are not his. And I simply do not have a read on Dennis Lockhart and his staff.

  • The active center is thus composed of Janet Yellen, Stanley Fischer, Bill Dudley, Eric Rosengren, and John Williams. Market risk and confusion is generated by uncertainty about their models of the economy, uncertainty about how they will revise their models as the data comes in, and uncertainty as to how they will react in committee, with six voices to their right calling for rapid interest-rate normalization and only three voices to their left worrying about asymmetric risks and policy traction.

When I listen to this center, one vibe I get is that the asymmetries are really not that great. Janet Yellen this March:

One must be careful, however, not to overstate the asymmetries affecting monetary policy at the moment. Even if the federal funds rate were to return to near zero, the FOMC would still have considerable scope to provide additional accommodation. In particular, we could use the approaches that we and other central banks successfully employed in the wake of the financial crisis to put additional downward pressure on long-term interest rates and so support the economy–specifically, forward guidance about the future path of the federal funds rate and increases in the size or duration of our holdings of long-term securities. While these tools may entail some risks and costs that do not apply to the federal funds rate, we used them effectively to strengthen the recovery from the Great Recession, and we would do so again if needed…

Another vibe I get is more-or-less what Bernanke said back in 2009:

The public’s understanding of the Federal Reserve’s commitment to price stability helps to anchor inflation expectations and enhances the effectiveness of monetary policy, thereby contributing to stability in both prices and economic activity…. A monetary policy strategy aimed at pushing up longer-run inflation expectations in theory… could reduce real interest rates and so stimulate spending and output. However, that theoretical argument ignores the risk that such a policy could cause the public to lose confidence in the central bank’s willingness to resist further upward shifts in inflation, and so undermine the effectiveness of monetary policy going forward. The anchoring of inflation expectations is a hard-won success that has been achieved over the course of three decades, and this stability cannot be taken for granted. Therefore, the Federal Reserve’s policy actions as well as its communications have been aimed at keeping inflation expectations firmly anchored…

I cannot help but be struck by the difference between what I see as the attitude of the current Federal Reserve, anxious not to do anything to endanger its “credibility”, and the Greenspan Fed of the late 1990s, which assumed that it had credibility and that because it had credibility it was free to experiment with policies that seemed likely to be optimal in the moment precisely because markets understood its long-term objective function and trusted it, and hence would not take short-run policy moves as indicative of long-run policy instability. There is a sense in which credibility is like a gold reserve: It is there to be drawn on and used in emergencies. The gold standard collapsed into the Great Depression in the 1930s in large part because both the Bank of France and the Federal Reserve believed that their gold reserves should never decline, but always either stay stable of increase.

And I cannot help but be struck by the inconsistency between the two vibes. The claim that we need not worry about asymmetry because we are willing to undertake radical policy experimentation fits very badly with the claim that we dare not rock the boat because the anchoring of inflation expectations on the upside is very fragile. Combine these with excessive confidence in the current model–with a tendency to make policy based on the center of the fan of projected outcomes with little consideration of how wide that fan actually is–and I find myself with much less confidence in today’s Fed than I, four years ago, thought I would have today.

Must-Read: Gavyn Davies: Why Hasn’t the Productivity Crisis Caused a Bear Market (Yet)?

Must-Read: This by the very sharp Gavyn Davies seems to me to be wrong. An ebbing of the current shortage of risk-bearing capacity would produce a further boom in equities. Central banks’ focus on a 2%/year inflation target makes it very difficult to envision any improvement in the economy leading to be a rapid increase in the wage share. Some unknown future negative shock to the economy could certainly produce a large bear market in equities. But a return to more normal risk attitudes in markets and a continuation of business-as-usual are very unlikely to do so:

Gavyn Davies: Why Hasn’t the Productivity Crisis Caused a Bear Market (Yet)?: “The 2016 calendar year may well see productivity growth in the US economy slumping to around 0.5 per cent, a catastrophic outcome…

…The productivity slowdown has often been called a ‘puzzle’, because it has coincided with a period of rapid technological change in the internet sector…. [But] many of the obvious benefits of the internet revolution appear to increase human welfare without leading to increases in market transactions and nominal GDP. Furthermore, there are several other plausible reasons for the productivity slowdown, including low business investment and a loss of economic dynamism since the financial crash. There is however a different puzzle connected to the productivity slowdown. Given that it has greatly reduced the level and expected growth rate in nominal GDP, why has it had so little apparent impact on equities, an asset class that depends on the level and expected future growth of corporate earnings?…

The conclusion is that the damaging impact of the productivity slump on the S&P 500 has so far been masked by other factors, but there are signs that this might be changing…. The drop in productivity growth has been accompanied by a decline in the yield on safe assets (government bonds), so the discount rate to be applied to future corporate earnings and dividends has declined…. There are however some other reasons…. The share of profits in the economy has risen to historic peak levels, and the dividend payout ratio has also increased…. So does this mean that investors can sit back and relax in the face of a productivity crisis that will clearly damage the outlook for the global economy very seriously? I doubt whether this aberration can last forever. The decline in the real bond yield may be reaching its limits…. And the sharp falls in the unemployment rate, especially in the US, could cause greater wage pressure and a decline in the profit share in GDP…

Must-Read: Maury Obstfeld: Evolution Not Revolution: Rethinking Policy at the IMF

Must-Read: Maurice Obstfeld: Evolution Not Revolution: Rethinking Policy at the IMF: “I would describe the process as evolution, not revolution…

…The Fund has long tried to build on its experiences in the field and on new research to improve its effectiveness in economic surveillance, technical assistance, and crisis response. It’s fair to say that the shock of the global financial crisis led to a broad rethink of macroeconomic and financial policy in the global academic and policy community. The Fund has been part of that, but, given the impacts of our decisions on member countries and the global economic system, we view it as especially important for us constantly to re-evaluate our thinking in light of new evidence. That process has not fundamentally changed the core of our approach, which is based on open and competitive markets, robust macro policy frameworks, financial stability, and strong institutions. But it has added important insights about how best to achieve those results in a sustainable way….

We are in favor of fiscal policies that support growth and equity over the long term. What those policies will be can differ from country to country and from situation to situation. Governments simply have to live within their means on a long-term basis, or face some form of debt default, which normally is quite costly for citizens, and especially the poorest. This is a fact, not an ideological position. Our job is to advise how governments can best manage their fiscal policies so as to avoid bad outcomes. Sometimes, this requires us to recognize situations in which excessive budget cutting can be counterproductive to growth, equity, and even fiscal sustainability goals….

Countries need credible medium-term fiscal frameworks that leave markets confident the public debt can be repaid without very high inflation. Countries with such frameworks will typically have room to soften economic slumps through fiscal means, including automatic stabilizers…. There are limits to the pain economies can or should sustain, so in especially difficult cases we recommend debt re-profiling or debt reduction, which require creditors to bear part of the cost of adjustment. That is the approach we are currently recommending for Greece…

Must-Read: Ben Eisen: Newest Inflation Expectations Likely to Trouble the Fed

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Must-Read: Ben Eisen: Newest Inflation Expectations Likely to Trouble the Fed: “The Federal Reserve probably won’t like the latest data out of the University of Michigan on Friday…

…inflation expectations over the next five to ten years dropping to 2.3% in June, a record low…. That’s on top of market-based inflation expectations that have also fallen over the past month…. When Federal Reserve Chairwoman Janet Yellen spoke on Monday, she drew attention to inflation expectations as a key input in actual inflation. She said:

It is unclear whether these indicators point to a true decline in those inflation expectations that are relevant for price setting; for example, the financial market measures may reflect changing attitudes toward inflation risk more than actual inflation expectations. But the indicators have moved enough to get my close attention. If inflation expectations really are moving lower, that could call into question whether inflation will move back to 2 percent as quickly as I expect….

The market is taking note as well. Benchmark 10-year Treasury note yields dropped to their lowest of the day after the data and recently traded at 1.63%, a new low for the year on a closing basis…

Inflation Becomes Key as Investors See Economic Weakness MoneyBeat WSJ

Macroeconomics, Fantasy, Reality, and Intellectual Utility…

A very nice overview piece this morning from smart young whippersnapper Noah Smith:

Noah Smith: Economics Struggles to Cope With Reality: “Four different activities… go by the name of macroeconomics. But they actually have relatively little to do with each other….

  1. ‘coffee-house macro,’ and it’s what you hear in a lot of casual discussions. It often revolves around the ideas of dead sages–Friedrich Hayek, Hyman Minsky and John Maynard Keynes. It doesn’t involve formal models, but it does usually contain a hefty dose of political ideology.

  2. Finance macro. This consists of private-sector economists and consultants who try to read the tea leaves on interest rates, unemployment, inflation and other indicators in order to predict the future of asset prices (usually bond prices). It mostly uses simple math, though advanced forecasting models are sometimes employed. It always includes a hefty dose of personal guesswork.

  3. Academic macro. This traditionally involves professors making toy models of the economy–since the early ’80s, these have almost exclusively been DSGE models (if you must ask, DSGE stands for dynamic stochastic general equilibrium). Though academics soberly insist that the models describe the deep structure of the economy, based on the behavior of individual consumers and businesses, most people outside the discipline who take one look at these models immediately think they’re kind of a joke. They contain so many unrealistic assumptions that they probably have little chance of capturing reality. Their forecasting performance is abysmal. Some of their core elements are clearly broken. Any rigorous statistical tests tend to reject these models instantly, because they always include a hefty dose of fantasy….

  4. Fed macro. The Federal Reserve uses an eclectic approach, involving both data and models. Sometimes the models are of the DSGE type, sometimes not. Fed macro involves taking data from many different sources, instead of the few familiar numbers like unemployment and inflation, and analyzing the information in a bunch of different ways. And it inevitably contains a hefty dose of judgment, because the Fed is responsible for making policy.

However, I think he has picked the wrong four.

Let’s start with Noah’s second: finance macro. It needs to be divided: One of its pieces–call that the second of our four components of macro–is grifter-finance macro: essentially affinity fraud to terrify rich people and get them to let you overcharge them to manage your money or simply to sell some snake oil you have to offer. I think it should come first:

  1. Grifter macro

The other piece of Noah’s second–call that the useful finance-forecasting macro–is really the same thing as Fed-technocratic macro: the flow of ideas and people is large, and convergence not to a consensus model or approach but to a near-consensus distribution of models and approaches is relatively rapid. But let’s postpone that.

Instead, turn to Noah’s third, academic macro. It too needs to be divided: One of its pieces–DSGE macro–has indeed proven a degenerating research program and a catastrophic failure: thirty years of work have produced no tools for useful forecasting or policy analysis. As Noah puts it:

Academic macro has basically failed the other three…. Because academic macro is so useless for forecasting–including predicting the results of policy changes–the financial industry can’t use it for practical purposes. I’ve talked to dozens of people in finance about why they don’t use DSGE models, and some have indeed tried to use them–but they always dropped the models after poor performance.

Hence Noah’s first two need to be:

  1. Grifter macro
  2. Pointless (academic DSGE) macro

The other piece of Noah’s third is composed of that part of the academic community that is in dialogue with both finance-forecasting and Fed-technocratic macro. Noah says:

My view is that academic macro has basically failed the other three…. The Fed has had to go it alone when studying how the macroeconomy really works. Regional Fed banks and the Federal Reserve Board function as macroeconomic think tanks, hiring top-level researchers to do the grubby data work and broad thinking that academia has decided is beneath it. But that leaves many of the field’s brightest minds locked in the ivory tower, playing with their toys…

I think this is wrong. Academics are not locked in the ivory tower. Rather, some academics–unfortunately, many academics–lock themselves in their own ivory tower. And I question Noah’s description of the people as “brightest”. If you insist on trying to understand business cycles by requiring a single consumption Euler equation (rather than, say, risk-averse rich 70-somethings with short horizons; myopic middle-class 40-somethings, and the liquidity constrained); if you insist on trying to understand business cycles by requiring that firms engage in Calvo pricing; If you insist on trying to understand business cycles by requiring rational expectations (rather than anchored, adaptive, extrapolative, perfect-foresight, and Panglossian)–well, then you really aren’t very bright at all, are you?

In fact, there is a dialogue between Fed-technocratic, finance-forecasting, and what we might call useful-academic. This dialogue is strong enough that they are pretty much the same thing: the flow of ideas and people is large, and convergence not to a consensus model or approach but to a near-consensus distribution of models and approaches is relatively rapid. Thus Noah’s first three should be:

  1. Grifter macro
  2. Pointless (academic DSGE) macro
  3. Useful (Fed-technocratic, finance-forecasting) macro

And then there is Noah’s first, coffee-house macro:

Because academic macro models are so out of touch with reality, people in causal coffee-house discussions can’t refer to academic research to help make their points. Instead, they have to turn back to the old masters, who if vague and wordy were at least describing a world that had some passing resemblance to the economy we observe in our daily lives…

What this leaves out, I think, is that there is substantial idea-flow from coffee-house macro into useful Fed and forecasting macro. The useful macro community has spent the last decade realizing that there is a lot more to be learned from Keynes and Minsky than it had thought, and has been busily revising how and what it thinks under pressure of events. In some sense this was or ought to have been obvious. As Larry Summers said to me back in 1983: “There ought to be an awful lot of excellent careers to be made in macro by mathing-up more pieces of Keynes”. (There is also, alas!, substantial idea-flow from coffee-house macro into grifter macro–Hayek, von Mises, etc.)

Thus if I were to write down a quadriad, I would modify Noah’s into:

  1. Grifter macro
  2. Pointless (academic DSGE) macro
  3. Useful (Fed-technocratic, finance-forecasting) macro
  4. Coffee-house macro

I would say that (2) is in dialogue with nobody and nothing. I would say that (1) is in dialogue with the wing nuttier parts of (4). And I would say that (3) and (4) are in useful dialogue–albeit one-way dialogue, so far at least, as useful macro is a recipient of big ideas from coffee-house macro rather than a generator of new and different big ideas for coffee-house macro.

And I would add a fifth:

  1. Grifter macro
  2. Pointless (academic DSGE) macro
  3. Useful (Fed-technocratic, finance-forecasting) macro
  4. Coffee-house macro
  5. Policy macro

Policy macro is the intellectual framework that underpins the policies that the North Atlantic has followed since the start off 2010.

It is not in close dialogue with any of the others.

It has been, on the fiscal side, a complete disaster. It has been, on the regulatory side, a mixed bag. And it has been, on the monetary side, a very partial success.

Noah concludes with optimism:

Justin Wolfers… a conference celebrating the career of MIT economist Olivier Blanchard…. Wolfers suggested abandoning DSGE models, saying that they ‘haven’t worked’… suggests that the new macroeconomics will focus on empirics and falsification… fertilized by other disciplines… will incorporate elements of behavioral economics….

I think the new macroeconomics… will redefine what ‘macroeconomics’ even means…. ‘Macro-focused micro’–studies of businesses, competition, markets and individual behavior that have relevance for macro… business dynamism, price adjustment, financial bubbles and differences between workers. Let’s hope more and more macroeconomists focus on these things, instead of trying to make big, grandiose, but ultimately vacuous models of booms and recessions. When we understand the pieces of the economy better, we’ll have a much better chance of grasping the whole…

I am not sure. Macroeconomics needs, desperately, better and real behavioral microfoundations at the sector and the market level. But it also needs much better approaches to aggregation–to understanding how macroeconomic phenomena emerge out of real microfoundations.