…reality just confirmed that beloved economic theory. The Riksbank raised interest rates because it was scared that low interest rates would cause financial instability. Lars Svensson resigned in protest. Then inflation fell, and the Riksbank needed to cut interest rates even lower than before…. If you don’t know how to drive a car, and you don’t even have a clue whether you turn the steering wheel clockwise or counter-clockwise if you want to turn right, one good strategy is to borrow a car, and a wide open field, and experiment. Make a random turn of the wheel, and see what happens. The recent data point in Sweden was a natural experiment like that…. Theory says, and the data confirm, and the advice of experienced practitioners confirms, that if it wants to raise inflation the central bank should first lower interest rates. Then, when inflation and expected inflation starts to rise, it can raise interest rates, higher than they were before. Then, and only then, does the Fisher effect kick in…. That is the Scandinavian flick we saw recently… the wrong way round…. Figuring out the intuition behind John Cochrane’s paper, to see what was really going on in his model, really drained me. Do I really have to wade through that Stephanie Schmidt-Grohe and Martin Uribe paper too, and reverse-engineer their result as well? I’m too old for this. Don’t any of you young whippersnappers have an economic intuition? Do you all get snowed by every fancy-mathy paper that comes along? I expect I will have to. Pray for me.
Wages, full employment and reducing inequality
The Washington Monthly magazine earlier this week published their latest issue, which focuses on equitable growth across generations of families in the United States. Figuring out how inequality interacts with economic growth and how to promote equitable growth requires looking at how an individual’s economic decisions and experiences change over a lifetime. The issue looks at a variety of issues at different times along this generational arc, including early childhood, K-12 education, higher education, and retirement. A few of the pieces take a more overarching look at these issues, including the essay by Alan Blinder on raising wages. Blinder, a professor of economics at Princeton University and former Vice Chairman of the Federal Reserve Board, looks at the current state of wage growth in the United States. Unsurprisingly, the state of wage growth is not strong. From 1979 to 2012, inflation-adjusted wage growth for the median worker was only 5 percent. Compare that to wage growth at the 99th percentile, the lower bound of the top 1 percent, which was 154 percent over that same period. How can we boost wage growth for a broad section of U.S. workers? Blinder proposes seven policy responses that would boost the productivity of workers, reduce the gap between productivity and wages, and raise net wages relative to gross wages. But one solution deserves a bit more inspection: a call for a high-pressure economy. Blinder shows the unemployment rate, as a measure of the tightness of the labor market, is strongly related to wage growth and income inequality. Reductions in unemployment are associated with stronger growth in wages and compensation. This relationship is known as the wage Phillips curve. Recent research has shown that the relationship is stronger for low-wage workers.

High levels of unemployment are associated with high levels of income inequality. Blinder charts the unemployment rate over the years against the change in the Gini coefficient, a common measure of inequality, for each year. He finds a positive correlation between the two. That is, inequality increases when unemployment is high. He also point out that data from 1968 to 2012 show inequality has rarely fallen when the unemployment rate is above 6 percent. As policy advice, “have a low unemployment rate” can seem just as unhelpful as “just get a job.” But Blinder’s call to promote full employment is important nonetheless. It is a framework for thinking about what successful fiscal and monetary policy should look like. If policymakers focused on getting unemployment as low as they could via stronger economic growth then wage growth would be stronger and inequality would be lower. The hard part will be getting more policymakers to share this mindset.
State-by-state minimum to median wage ratios
The data
Under “Downloads”, to your right, you will find the data used to create the interactive “Where does your state’s minimum wage rank against the median wage?”. Please cite the Washington Center for Equitable Growth if you use the data.
Methodology
The state-level minimum-to-median wage ratio is the ratio of the average of the state minimum wage to the state’s median wage in that year. The median wage is the median hourly wage in the Outgoing Rotation Group of the Current Population Survey of earners who work at least 35 hours per week and who are not self-employed. The national minimum-to-median wage ratio is the population-weighted mean of state minimum wages divided by the median national wage.
Entrepreneurship, creative destruction, and inequality at the top of the income ladder
Why has the share of income going to those at the very top of the U.S. income ladder grown so rapidly over the past 35 years while that same share in France remained relatively flat? Understanding the difference in income trends across countries at the top of the income spectrum has been a challenge for economists and other researchers for a while now. A new National Bureau of Economic Research working paper released yesterday offers one explanation: the difference in payoffs for engaging in entrepreneurship.
Charles I. Jones of Stanford University and Jihee Kim of the Korea Advanced Institute of Science and Technology start their investigation into top incomes by first recognizing that the distribution at the top is a so-called Pareto distribution. This means there’s a reoccurring level of inequality within each top income share. The top 1 percent, for example, have about 40 percent of the income going to the top 10 percent, and the top 0.1 percent have about 40 percent of the income going to the top 1 percent, and so-on.
What can explain a shift in the distribution that concentrates even more income at the top? Jones and Kim quickly dismiss skill-biased technology change, which they find can only explain a shift of the income curve over to the right (a larger difference between the top and bottom) but not the steepening of the curve itself over the past (the rapid increase at the top). What they instead believe explains the sharp rise is a change in the rewards for entrepreneurship, based on a new model they present in the paper.
Let’s start with the quite broad definition of entrepreneurship that Jones and Kim use in their model. A programmer who starts a business in Silicon Valley counts as an entrepreneur, as does a musical artist who writes a hit song and a middle manager at a firm who gets promoted after coming up with a new management process.
The two authors then factor in several developments that can increase the share of income going to the top of the income distribution. One is technological change—such as the invention of the Internet—that can allow for greater business opportunities and thus greater income gains for entrepreneurs. Another is a reduction in red tape. Yet intriguingly, these two factors don’t affect long-term economic growth but do increase top end inequality in their model.
What they do find are two factors that can affect both inequality and growth. An increase in the share of the population that works in research and development boosts economic growth, according to their model, as does a reduction in the ability of already existing firms to block innovation. They find that both of these factors result in more “creative destruction,” reducing the share of income going to those at the top as more entrepreneurs can enter the market.
So what we can take away from the paper? Well, the rise in top end inequality within a country might be the result of positive developments, such as the Internet, or negative developments, such as monopolies or oligopolies crushing new innovations. Factors that increase top end income inequality can be good or bad for economic growth. Just another reminder that looking at the specifics is always important.
Things to Read on the Morning of November 4, 2014
Must- and Shall-Reads:
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The Second Wave of the Bubble Unwind is Upon Us: “A pre-crisis boom in commodities lifted gold and silver…. Post-crisis monetary policy then turbo-charged it, as people feared rapid inflation, renewed systemic crisis, a dollar crash, and bond vigilantes. Macro tourists lined up to pile in. Big name guys wearing money halos. ETFs and electronic futures trading for the masses poured the gasoline. In short, they built a bubble. A bubble replete with charlatans hawking it on every medium…. The irony of the precious metals bubble is that it was the guys yelling ‘bubble’, bubbles of every stripe—bond, stock, credit—who sought refuge in the only asset class that was truly in a bubble. In other words, the fear of bubbles created its own bubble, trapping the bubblers. Karma really is running over dogma…. When I’m asked how far do I think gold can ultimately fall, my answer is I don’t know…. The statute of limitations on ‘not wrong, just early’ ran out a long time ago. By the time this is over only Peter Schiff, Zerohedge and Jim Grant will be waving their arms…” : -
“Hand To Mouth” and the rationality of the poor: “I’ve long thought that the ‘marshmallow’ experiment is nearly universally misunderstood: kids wait for the marshmallow for exactly as long as it makes sense to them to wait. If they’ve been brought up in an environment where delayed gratification pays off, and where the rules don’t change in the meantime, and where they trust a complete stranger to tell them the truth, they wait, and otherwise they don’t–why would they? But since the researchers grew up in places where it made sense to go to grad school, and where they respect authority and authority is watching out for them, and where the rules once explained didn’t change, they never think about those assumptions. They just conclude that these kids have no will power. Similarly, this GoodBooksRadio interview with Linda Tirado is excellent in explaining the rational behavior of poor people. Tirado just came out with a book called Hand To Mouth: Living in Bootstrap America and was discussing it with Dr. John Cook, who was a fantastic interviewer. You might have come across Tirado’s writing–her essay on poverty that went viral, or the backlash against that essay. She’s clearly a tough cookie, a great writer, and an articulate speaker. Among the things she explains is why poor people eat McDonalds food (it’s fast, cheap, and filling), why they don’t get much stuff done (their lives are filled with logistics), why they make bad decisions (stress), and, what’s possibly the most important, how much harder work it is to be poor than it is to be rich. She defines someone as ‘rich’ if they don’t lease their furniture…. As the Financial Times review says, ‘Hand to Mouth – written with scorching flair–should be read by every person lucky enough to have a disposable income.’” : -
A Review of Fragile By Design: “Fragile By Design: The Political Origins of Banking Crises and Scarce Credit is a tour de force, and not in a good way…. The narrative… is highly selective and misleading. Worse, the section that covers U.S. banking over the past 25 years is a set of distortions and falsehoods…. Calomiris… and… Haber[‘s] familiar narrative [is] identified as ‘The Big Lie’ by Joe Nocera, Barry Ritholtz…. Calomiris and Haber embrace The Big Lie, and double down by tracing everything to Bill Clinton’s grand strategy of income redistribution as a response to economic inequality or as a sop to community activists at ACORN…. The lack of response to the critics of The Big Lie…. There is zero evidence that the loans described by Calomiris and Haber ever existed. From 2001 through 2006, GSE originations that had loan-to-value (LTV) ratios of 95 percent or higher and FICO scores of 639 or lower represented between 1 and 2 percent of total originations. According to GSE credit guidelines, those borrowers had characteristics that disallowed any kind of reduced documentation, much less no documentation or employment…. The amount of low-down-payment loans available in the marketplace was never decided by the GSEs. It was decided by private mortgage insurers, which were not regulated by the federal government…. Moreover, the financial meltdown of September 2008 was not triggered by bank failures; it was triggered by the failures of non-banks and by the unforeseen consequences of derivatives. The government had a clear legal path and precedent for dealing with bank failures like Wachovia, Washington Mutual, and IndyMac. But it had no clear path and no precedent for dealing with the imminent collapse of Lehman Brothers and AIG…” : -
The Liquidity Trap, the Great Depression, and Unconventional Policy: “John Maynard Keynes in The General Theory offered a rich analysis of the problems that appear at the zero lower bound and advocated the very same unconventional policies that are now being pursued. Keynes’s comments on these issues are rarely mentioned… because the subsequent simplifications and the bowdlerization of his model obliterated this detail…. This essay employs Keynes’s analysis to retell the economic history of the Great Depression in the United States. Keynes’s rationale for unconventional policies and his expectations of their effect remain surprisingly relevant today. I suggest that in both the Depression and the Great Recession the primary impact on interest rates was produced by lowering expectations about the future path of rates rather than by changing the risk premiums that attach to yields of different maturities. The long sustained period when short term rates were at the lower bound convinced investors that rates were likely to remain near zero for several more years. In both cases the treatment proved to be very slow to produce a significant response, requiring a sustained zero-rate policy for four years or longer.”
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The ECB should stop fearing the Germans | The Economist: “From 2012 to 2014 the Fed added $1 trillion to its balance sheet…. Exactly the opposite occurred in the euro zone…. There can be little doubt that the decision of the ECB to reduce the money base by 30% at a time when the euro zone had not recovered from the sovereign-debt crisis contributed to pushing the euro zone into a deflationary dynamic, out of which it still tries to extricate itself…. The American monetary authorities, correctly, understood that the crisis had led to a balance-sheet recession…. The ECB, on the other hand, was caught in a narrative that the problem came from… too many rigidities on the supply side. If these were fixed by structural reforms output would increase by itself…. Only by the beginning of 2014, the ECB started to recognise that this narrative did not fit the facts…. However, in the face of the fierce opposition of German economists and media the ECB was caught in a double bind. German opposition made it impossible for the ECB to use the technically easiest way to increase the money base, i.e. buying government bonds…. The question that arises now is what the ECB should do. At a minimum it should take its responsibility of keeping inflation close to 2% seriously…. By not acting forcefully today the ECB risks unleashing the rejection of the monetary union. This is a much higher risk than the risk of German ire against the use of an instrument, the purchase of government bonds that in the rest of the world is considered to be standard practice.” : -
Business vs. Economics: “Business leaders often give remarkably bad economic advice, especially in troubled times…. Think of the hugely wealthy money managers who warned Ben Bernanke that the Fed’s efforts to boost the economy risked ‘currency debasement’; think of the many corporate chieftains who solemnly declared that budget deficits were the biggest threat facing America, and that fixing the debt would cause growth to soar…. And on the other side, the past few years have seen repeated vindication for policy makers who have never met a payroll, but do know a lot about economic theory and history. The Federal Reserve and the Bank of England have navigated their way through a once-in-three-generations economic crisis under the leadership of former college professors…. The answer… is that a country is not a company. National economic policy… needs to take into account kinds of feedback that rarely matter in business life…. A successful businessperson… sees the troubled economy as something like a troubled company, which needs to cut costs and become competitive…. And surely gimmicks like deficit spending or printing more money can’t solve what must be a fundamental problem…. In reality, however, cutting wages and spending in a depressed economy just aggravates the real problem, which is inadequate demand…. But how can this kind of logic be sold to business leaders, especially when it comes from pointy-headed academic types? The fate of the world economy may hinge on the answer…” : -
Monetary Fallacy?: Deep Divisions Emerge over ECB Quantitative Easing Plans: “Bundesbank President Jens Weidmann is opposed to most of these costly programs. They’re the reason he and ECB President Mario Draghi are now completely at odds. Even with the latest approved measures not even implemented in full yet, experts at the ECB headquarters a few kilometers away are already devising the next monetary policy experiment: a large-scale bond buying program known among central bankers as quantitative easing…. It is a fundamental dispute that is becoming increasingly heated…. Is it important that the ECB adhere to tried-and-true principles in the crisis, as Weidmann argues? Or can it resort to unusual measures in an emergency situation, as Draghi is demanding?… ‘Abenomics,’ worked only briefly…. Businesses and private households were simply too far in debt to borrow even more, no matter how cheap the monetary watchdogs had made it…. ‘For decades, the Japanese government did not institute the necessary structural reforms,’ says Michael Heise, chief economist at German insurance giant Allianz…” : -
Flattening Flattens: “As I see it, ‘hyperglobalization’–the big increase in trade relative to GDP in the two decades after 1990–was a one-off affair, driven by trade liberalization in developing countries and the rise of containerization, which led to a breakup of the value chain, with labor-intensive segments of production moving to China and other emerging economies. There wasn’t any comparable boom in trade or abolition of distance between economies at similar wage levels; if anything, interregional trade and specialization within the US may have declined. The flattening out of flattening is neither good nor bad, it’s just what happens when a particular trend reaches its limits. What is important to realize, however, is that trends do tend to do that.” :
Should Be Aware of:
- The Rule of Karlowitz: Fiscal Change and Institutional Persistence :
- War and Progressive Income Taxation in the 20th Century :
- Breaking the Unbreakable Union: Nationalism, Trade Disintegration and the Soviet Economic Collapse :
- Muscovy Annexes Donbas but Loses Ukraine :
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Paulism Captured Perfectly: “In his on-going effort to appeal to DC elites as a different kind of Republican, Sen. Rand Paul (R-KY) says it’s ‘dumb’ of Republicans to emphasize their support for voter ID laws which have been shown repeatedly to cut voting rates for minorities and poorer voters. He still they’re awesome. But it’s ‘dumb’ to make a big deal out of them because black voters can get the wrong impression. Watch.” : -
State revenue and expenditure in the Han and Roman empires: “Comparative analysis of the sources of income of the Han and Roman imperial states and of the ways in which these polities allocated state revenue reveals both similarities and differences. While it seems likely that the governments of both empires managed to capture a similar share of GDP, the Han state may have more heavily relied on direct taxation of agrarian output and people. By contrast, the mature Roman empire derived a large share of its income from domains and levies that concentrated on mining and trade. Collection of taxes on production probably fell far short of nominal rates. Hano fficialdom consistently absorbed more public spending than its Roman counterpart, whereas Roman rulers allocated a larger share of state revenue to agents drawn from the upper ruling class and to the military. This discrepancy was a function of different paths of state formation and may arguably have hadlong-term consequences beyond the fall of both empires.” :
Morning Must-Read: Mark Dow: The Second Wave of the Bubble Unwind is Upon Us
…Post-crisis monetary policy then turbo-charged it, as people feared rapid inflation, renewed systemic crisis, a dollar crash, and bond vigilantes. Macro tourists lined up to pile in. Big name guys wearing money halos. ETFs and electronic futures trading for the masses poured the gasoline. In short, they built a bubble. A bubble replete with charlatans hawking it on every medium…. The irony of the precious metals bubble is that it was the guys yelling ‘bubble’, bubbles of every stripe—bond, stock, credit—who sought refuge in the only asset class that was truly in a bubble. In other words, the fear of bubbles created its own bubble, trapping the bubblers. Karma really is running over dogma…. When I’m asked how far do I think gold can ultimately fall, my answer is I don’t know…. The statute of limitations on ‘not wrong, just early’ ran out a long time ago. By the time this is over only Peter Schiff, Zerohedge and Jim Grant will be waving their arms…
Morning Must-Read: Cathy O’Neil: “Hand To Mouth” and the Rationality of the Poor
…is nearly universally misunderstood: kids wait for the marshmallow for exactly as long as it makes sense to them to wait. If they’ve been brought up in an environment where delayed gratification pays off, and where the rules don’t change in the meantime, and where they trust a complete stranger to tell them the truth, they wait, and otherwise they don’t–why would they? But since the researchers grew up in places where it made sense to go to grad school, and where they respect authority and authority is watching out for them, and where the rules once explained didn’t change, they never think about those assumptions. They just conclude that these kids have no will power. Similarly, this GoodBooksRadio interview with Linda Tirado is excellent in explaining the rational behavior of poor people. Tirado just came out with a book called Hand To Mouth: Living in Bootstrap America and was discussing it with Dr. John Cook, who was a fantastic interviewer. You might have come across Tirado’s writing–her essay on poverty that went viral, or the backlash against that essay. She’s clearly a tough cookie, a great writer, and an articulate speaker. Among the things she explains is why poor people eat McDonalds food (it’s fast, cheap, and filling), why they don’t get much stuff done (their lives are filled with logistics), why they make bad decisions (stress), and, what’s possibly the most important, how much harder work it is to be poor than it is to be rich. She defines someone as ‘rich’ if they don’t lease their furniture…. As the Financial Times review says, ‘Hand to Mouth – written with scorching flair–should be read by every person lucky enough to have a disposable income.’”
Morning Must-Read: David Fiderer: A Review of Fragile By Design
…The narrative… is highly selective and misleading. Worse, the section that covers U.S. banking over the past 25 years is a set of distortions and falsehoods…. Calomiris… and… Haber[‘s] familiar narrative [is] identified as ‘The Big Lie’ by Joe Nocera, Barry Ritholtz…. Calomiris and Haber embrace The Big Lie, and double down by tracing everything to Bill Clinton’s grand strategy of income redistribution as a response to economic inequality or as a sop to community activists at ACORN…. The lack of response to the critics of The Big Lie…. There is zero evidence that the loans described by Calomiris and Haber ever existed. From 2001 through 2006, GSE originations that had loan-to-value (LTV) ratios of 95 percent or higher and FICO scores of 639 or lower represented between 1 and 2 percent of total originations. According to GSE credit guidelines, those borrowers had characteristics that disallowed any kind of reduced documentation, much less no documentation or employment…. The amount of low-down-payment loans available in the marketplace was never decided by the GSEs. It was decided by private mortgage insurers, which were not regulated by the federal government…. Moreover, the financial meltdown of September 2008 was not triggered by bank failures; it was triggered by the failures of non-banks and by the unforeseen consequences of derivatives. The government had a clear legal path and precedent for dealing with bank failures like Wachovia, Washington Mutual, and IndyMac. But it had no clear path and no precedent for dealing with the imminent collapse of Lehman Brothers and AIG…”
I must confess that I have not yet read Fragile by Design by the always-thoughtful Steve Haber and the very sharp Charlie Calamiris, but I have never understood how this line of argument is supposed to work:
The Community Reinvestment Act is intended to encourage depository institutions to help meet the credit needs of the communities in which they operate, including low- and moderate-income neighborhoods, consistent with safe and sound operations…
Granted that that last part, “consistent with safe and sound operations”, has a tendency to become a dead letter under regulatory pressures, and that the depository institutions covered by the CRA come under pressure to make risky loans that they really should not. But that does not create risks of systemic distress or financial crisis. The depository institutions are insured by the FDIC, after all. You can complain that the CRA gets taxpayers onto the hook as insurers of loans that should not have been made. You cannot complain that the CRA forces overleveraged and undercapitalized systemically-important financial institutions to hold the lousy mortgages of low-income moochers–yet that, by all accounts, is what Haber and Calomiris’s argument is.
I don’t understand it. It just doesn’t seem to add up, arithmetically…
Morning Must-Read: Richard Sutch: The Liquidity Trap, the Great Depression, and Unconventional Policy
The Liquidity Trap, the Great Depression, and Unconventional Policy: “John Maynard Keynes in The General Theory…
:…offered a rich analysis of the problems that appear at the zero lower bound and advocated the very same unconventional policies that are now being pursued. Keynes’s comments on these issues are rarely mentioned… because the subsequent simplifications and the bowdlerization of his model obliterated this detail…. This essay employs Keynes’s analysis to retell the economic history of the Great Depression in the United States. Keynes’s rationale for unconventional policies and his expectations of their effect remain surprisingly relevant today. I suggest that in both the Depression and the Great Recession the primary impact on interest rates was produced by lowering expectations about the future path of rates rather than by changing the risk premiums that attach to yields of different maturities. The long sustained period when short term rates were at the lower bound convinced investors that rates were likely to remain near zero for several more years. In both cases the treatment proved to be very slow to produce a significant response, requiring a sustained zero-rate policy for four years or longer.
Blog You Should Read: Growth Economics: Tuesday Focus for November 4, 2014
Blog You Should read: The Growth Economics Blog Thinking About the Loss of Skill in the Industrial Revolution
Remember my six-part classification of things people do to add economic value?:
- Backs.
- Fingers.
- Brains as (white collar and blue collar) cybernetic-control loops.
- Mouths (and fingers) as information-communication devices.
- Smiles (to provide personal services and keep us all pulling roughly in the same direction).
- Minds (to think up genuinely new ideas and things we can do.
And remember my claims that the classic British Industrial Revolution greatly decreased (1) while greatly boosting (3) and boosting (2), (4), (5), and (6); that the Second Industrial Revolution further decreased (1) and greatly decreased (2) while further greatly increased (3) and increased (4), (5), and (6); and that the current cybernetic Information-Processing Revolution is going to greatly decrease our ability to make money by providing (3) and (4), reducing us to earning our money by providing (5) and (6) or by somehow figuring out how to own a share of the robots and computers that actually make and control stuff?
Now we have the estimable Dietrich Vollrath sending us to de Pleijt and Weisdorf saying that the classic British Industrial Revolution actually decreased (2) and decreased the amount of skill one needed to successfully perform (3). And the Growth Economics blog has some clever and interesting things to say:
…looks at skill composition of the English workforce from 1550 through 1850…. The big upshot to their paper is that there was substantial de-skilling over this period, driven mainly by a shift in the composition of manual laborers. In 1550, only about 25% of all manual laborers are unskilled (think ditch-diggers), while 75% are either low- or medium-skilled (weavers or tailors)… [But] manual laborers [rise], reaching 45% by 1850, while the low- and medium-skilled fall to 55%…. This shift really starts to take place by 1650, while before the traditional start of the Industrial Revolution…. ‘High-quality workmen’–carpenters, joiners, wrights, turners–rose only from 3.9% to 4.9% of the workforce between 1550 and 1850. These are precisely the kinds of workers that Joel Mokyr claims are the crux of the Industrial Revolution in England. They built, improved, adapted, and micro-innovated all the classic inventions…. It’s a really interesting paper, and it’s neat to see how much information you can keep sucking out of these parish records from England…. Does industrialization depend on a concentrated core of skills, rather than a broad distribution of skills? That is, if Mokyr is right about the source of English industrialization, then it’s those extra 650K high-skilled workers that really made all the difference…. Second, should we care about de-skilling?… Could this just mean that the economy was getting more efficient at using the human capital at hand? England didn’t need to waste all that time and effort skilling-up a big mass of workers. They could be used immediately, without much training…. Doesn’t that imply that England was getting more (output) from less (human capital)? That’s a good thing, right?…
You should be reading Dietrich–not just for this piece, but in general…