My panel contribution:
Cato Economic Growth Conference Panel 4
- Conference video page: The Future of U.S. Economic Growth | Cato Institute
- 51 short online essays on: Reviving Economic Growth: A Cato Online Forum | Cato Institute
My panel contribution:
Cato Economic Growth Conference Panel 4
Torsten Slok says:
And Tim Duy says:
Challenging the Fed: Both Paul Krugman and Ryan Avent are pushing back on the Federal Reserve’s apparent intent to raise rates in the middle of next year. Why is the Fed heading in this direction?… I don’t think that the Fed is reacting to external criticism. :What I think is that there are two basic views of the world. In one view, the post-2007 malaise is simply the hangover from a severe financial crisis. Time heals all wounds, including this one, and the recent data suggests such healing is underway.
The alternative view is that the economy is suffering from secular secular stagnation… suggests the need for a very low or negative real interest rates to maintain full employment…. I believe that the consensus view on the Fed is the former, that the malaise is simply temporary (“a temporary inconvenience”) and now ending…. The Summary of Economic Projections[‘s] implied equilibrium Federal Funds rate is around 3.75%… below what might have been perceived as normal ten years ago… [but from] slower potential growth rather than secluar stagnation….
Gavin Davies… catches… Stanley Fischer… reject[ing] the main monetary policy implication of the secular stagnation hypothesis…. I find it hard to believe that Fischer carries anything but extreme intellectual weight within the Fed…. This is not to say that I do not share Krugman’s and Avent’s concerns. I most certainly do….
If you want to know what the Fed is thinking at this point, a journalist needs to push Yellen on the secular stagnation issue at next week’s press conference. Does she or the committee agree with Fischer? And does she see any inconsistency with the SEP implied equilibrium Federal Funds rates and the current level of long bonds?
Since the start of 2009, the 10-Year Treasury and the Federal Funds futures have traded in a pattern in which a one-month acceleration in the relative timing of the first rate hike is associated with a ten-basis-point–an 0.1%-point–increase in the 10-Year Treasury rate. Right now the 10-Year Treasury diverges from that pattern by 160 basis points–by 1.6%-point.
That means one of two things, or a mixture:
The bond market expects that the long-term nominal interest rate at which Federal Funds will settle post-normalization is 1.6% points lower than the 4.5% or so it expected back in those halcyon days before last January.
The bond market expects a roughly 50% chance that the Federal Reserve’s attempt to normalize interest rates will fail, and that in two or three years the Federal Reserve will find itself doing a Sweden–cutting the short-term safe nominal interest rate back to zero again, and so reentering the liquidity tap.
Given the balance of risks, the FOMC would have to be discounting the possibility of option (2) and that the bond market’s view of the world is correct by roughly 100% for it to continue on its current policy path.
Fires Back at Elizabeth Warren: ‘You need multiple perspectives’ | WashingtonExaminer.com:
“You need multiple perspectives represented in a department like the Treasury. I think you’re hearing more from the few than from the many…. It is a natural thing for there to be some lingering concerns about whether or not the institutions… that caused the last crisis are truly changed. It’s a lot to expect for the American people who are struggling with wages that are not rising as fast as they should to say everything’s fine.”
The surface case against Antonio Weiss is that the job needs someone who is (a) a superb regulator, or (b) a superb bond seller, and that he is, instead, (c) a superb merger-maker who has (d) profited immensely from the current order on Wall Street and thus inevitably predisposed to assume that the current order on Wall Street is a good one. The case against is that (d) could be accepted if it came with (a) or (b), but it doesn’t: it comes with (c) instead.
The deep case against Antonio Weiss is that the Treasury has, from the Senate’s perspective, behaved very badly under Obama–starting with its inability to find a way to spend the first $50 billion tranche on mortgage relief that it had promised to spend. As a result, the Treasury deserves no deference–and must overcome a high bar in order to get the people it wants into big cushy plum jobs like Under Secretary of the Treasury.
The deep case for Antonio Weiss is that Under Secretary of the Treasury is not, for him, a big cushy plum present of a job–it pays less by a lot than Lazard, it does not materially boost his future earning power on the future speaker circuit (as it would for an academic), it is the equivalent of taking out the garbage.
Now people like to think that they are doing something useful, and taking out the garbage is a very useful thing to do, and it is very satisfying to look back and think that you have successfully taken out the garbage–especially if you are unsure or ambivalent about the social value of the rest of what you have done in your career. I know that the fact that I may have turned the scales (as everyone working on it turned the scales) in passing the 1993 Clinton Reconciliation bill, and probably was a (one of many) decisive factors in making sure that bill included a major expansion of the Earned Income Tax Credit and thus a significant constructive shift in America’s income distribution is a great comfort and source of pride to me.
But if the Senate were doing Antonio Weiss a favor by confirming him, it is only that it is letting him have a try at being an effective public servant for part of his career. It is not giving him a big plum cushy job as a present.
And the government functions better when jobs are filled.
So: I ask Elizabeth Warren; I ask Simon Johnson; I ask Franken, Durbin, Shaheen, Sanders, and Manchin; I ask every Republican Senator save Hatch and Bennet: if not Antonio Weiss, who? Who is your Yellen to Weiss-as-Summers? Who is your Warren to Weiss-as-Barr? Who who would take the job would be better at the job than Antonio Weiss, and why?
My version of the progressive agenda fits on a little bag. Take that, complexity!:
“I was having a coffee with someone at the Corner Bakery…
>who argued that the problem with the policy agendas of people like me is that they’re way too complex. ‘You couldn’t write it down on this little bag, for example,’ he said, a bit haughtily for my taste, as he threw down the gauntlet and handed me the bag…. The topic is: ‘Ways to reduce inequality and generate broadly shared prosperity.’
>I’ll write it all down here …. Full employment! Low-income Households: education opportunity, expand EITC, higher min wage, subsidized jobs (direct job creation). Middle class: affordable higher education, boost manufacturing through lower trade deficit! **High end:&& close wasteful tax loopholes, financial market oversight (fewer bubbles), ‘financial transaction tax.’
>I suppose you could argue there’s more… politicians committed to reconnecting growth and prosperity… willing to write the budgets… reducing the influence of money in politics… financial transaction tax… a tiny tax on security trades, like 0.03 percent… that would raise significant revenue while dampening unproductive volatile and high-speed trades.)…. Protecting what we’ve got, from social insurance to labor laws to Obamacare.
>But… there’s no great mystery to pushing back on the great economic disconnect. In fact, it’s in on the bag.
…and some have greatness thrust upon ’em. Germany is now experiencing the last in full measure. So how is it faring with this eminence? Quite well, but not well enough…. Remarkably, of Europe’s large countries Germany has arguably the most stable and adult democracy. It is free of the xenophobic populism that mars the others. In Angela Merkel, it possesses an exceptionally mature and responsible leader.
Despite these triumphs, all is not well. The eurozone economy is mired in stagnation and ultra-low inflation. Yet many German policy makers resist efforts to change this for the better…. Meanwhile, to the east a revanchist Russia has destabilised a hapless Ukraine and threatens to destabilise even more of its former empire. Again, just as is the case for the economy, this challenges postwar Germany’s reflexes.
It wishes to avoid a more assertive posture but can no longer do so. The difficulty Germany finds in playing its new roles is understandable. Germany did not seek the euro. On the contrary, it was a price others foolishly asked Germans to pay for unification…
Must- and Shall-Reads:
Should Be Aware of:
Addressing the Parenting Divide to Promote Early Childhood Development for Disadvantaged Children:
“Growing income inequality over the past three decades…
…has created a social divide with stagnated incomes for families at the bottom of the distribution and sharply increased earnings for those at the top (Atkinson, Piketty, and Saez 2011). As the economic destinies of affluent and poor American families have diverged, so too has the educational performance of the children in these families (Reardon 2011). Socioeconomic gaps in children’s cognition and behavior open up early in life and remain largely constant through the school years (Duncan and Magnuson 2011).
However, rising inequality in income is not the sole cause of the divergence in children’s achievement and behavior (Duncan et al. 2013). Parents do more than spend money on children’s development—they also promote child development by spending time with their children in cognitively enriching activities and by providing emotional support and consistent discipline. The ‘parenting divide’ between economically advantaged and disadvantaged children is large and appears to be growing over time along these dimensions (Altintas 2012; Hurst 2010; Reeves and Howard 2013).
Consider the parenting time divide between economically advantaged and disadvantaged households. National time diaries show that mothers with a college education or greater spend roughly 4.5 more hours each week directly interacting with their children than do mothers with a high school diploma or less…
In 1977, a full two-thirds of Americans agreed that it was “much better for everyone involved if the man is the achiever outside the home and the woman takes care of the home and family.” Today, of course, women earn the majority of undergraduate and graduate degrees, and are now breadwinners in four out of ten families—a massive shift in the way American families work and live.
Yet the growing participation of women in the labor market stalled in the second half of the 1990s, coinciding with a period of increased wage inequality in the United States. Whether and how these trends are related is not fully understood. That is why the Washington Center for Equitable Growth awarded one of its inaugural grants to Philip Cohen and Meredith Kleykamp, both sociologists at the University of Maryland, who will investigate the relationship between inequality and women’s participation in the labor force, with a focus on married mothers in particular.
As single mothers have continued to expand their working hours, there has been a sizeable increase in the number of married women, and in particular married mothers, entering the labor force (as measured nationally) since the 1980s. Cohen and Kleykamp will look at married mothers’ entry and exit into local labor markets and their overall work hours, compared to other women (single and childless) and men. The two researchers will examine the labor market entry- and exit-rates of married mothers across metropolitan areas with different levels of income inequality in order to see if there is a relationship between the two trends.
What’s happening to married mothers is just one aspect of the story of growing inequality and gender equality, and may be helpful in trying to understand how families as a whole react to increasing economic insecurity. Cohen and Kleykamp suggest two possible outcomes. Parents may ramp up their work efforts in order to ensure greater financial security for their children. Or, one parent may drop out of the labor force because of the increasing pressure to engage in “intensive parenting.”
A more likely reason why married mothers leave the workforce is that existing federal policy does relatively little to help families balance raising their children and meeting the demands of work. Compared to other countries, the United States ranks last in many measures of work-friendly family policy, and is the only developed country that does not provide paid maternity leave. Americans also work more hours than those in most other countries. And, despite the commonly expressed desire among couples for gender equality in marriage, it is usually the mother who cuts back her hours or leaves work altogether, regardless of how much she earns in relation to her spouse.
Understanding how families reconcile a need to “overwork” with the need to provide high quality care for their children is important amid rising income inequality. Our two grantees, Cohen and Kleykamp, report preliminary results showing that there is indeed a relationship between economic inequality and women’s labor force participation of married mothers. As they put it, “more married mothers than average dropped out of the labor force in labor markets with rising earnings inequality.” Mothers may not necessarily want to stop working, but rather they may be exiting the labor force because existing federal, state and local policies work against mothers’ (and fathers’) desire for both parents to be co-parents and co-workers.
It is also important to note that married women who leave the labor market (and married couples in general) have disproportionately higher incomes in comparison to their unmarried counterparts. As wealthier mothers try to balance parenting with a labor market that is not family friendly, some may feel that the only option is to “opt-out.” But what happens if that option is not available? Such is the reality for millions of low- and middle-income mothers and fathers. Many parents cannot afford to “opt-out,” nor do their employers provide family-friendly workplace policies. Some are left with no choice but to work jobs with inflexible or unpredictable schedules, or without paid leave or benefits. And, because of financial constraints, many parents cannot afford high quality childcare, with implications for our future economic security.
Regardless of income, all parents want to support their children so that they can lead healthy and productive lives. But doing so is not just a moral imperative. A healthy economy requires a productive workforce now and in the future. With so many women choosing to exit the labor force, the U.S. is at risk of losing a valuable source of productive capacity. At the same time, millions are struggling to juggle work and family life. Expanding our understanding of how parents can both balance work and their children’s needs will help policymakers prepare the next generation of workers to be productive members of the U.S. economy.
If Elizabeth Warren and Simon Johnson had names–or a name–of a better candidate than Antonio Weiss who would take the job of Undersecretary of the Treasury, they would have a much stronger case than they do.
To argue for Janet Yellen over Larry Summers as Fed Chair was not silly. To argue for Elizabeth Warren over Michael Barr as CFPB Director was not silly.
To argue for an empty seat over Antonio Weiss is, however, a much, much harder lift to make…
:
Sen. Warren Tears Into Defenders Of Poetry-Loving Obama Treasury Nominee: In leaving Lazard, Warren noted that Weiss would receive a golden parachute of about $20 million. “For me, this is just one spin of the revolving door too many. Enough is enough,” Warren said. “The response to these concerns has been, let’s say, loud. First his supporters say ‘come on, he’s an investment banker so of course he should be qualified to oversee complicated financial work at treasury. But his defenders haven’t shown his actual experience that qualifies him for this job at treasury.” One of the more substantive arguments against Warren’s opposition to Weiss is that he’s as good as could possibly be gotten in a nominee for a top treasury position. Warren said she has supported qualified people with ties to Wall Street but that’s not what Weiss is…
They need an alternative candidate or candidates. Badly.
Yesterday the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development, an international economic organization of developed countries, released a new study that argues rising income inequality is bad for economic growth due in part to worse educational outcomes. Federico Cingano, an economist at the OECD, compares the level of income inequality, economic growth, and education across the economies of its 34 member countries and finds that income inequality is bad for growth particularly if low-income households are being left behind.
The new paper first identifies the cost of income inequality in terms of gross domestic product, or the total goods and services produced by these economies. Cingano looks at the impact of changes in income inequality from 1985 to 2005 on economic growth from 1990 to 2010. In this time frame, inequality rose in all but three of the countries they studied (in those three countries, falling inequality is estimated to have increased growth). Figure 1 shows the results of the first part of the study.
Going further than many other studies on the subject, Cingano then identifies education as one of the key pathways by which inequality harms growth. Specifically, he finds that steep income disparities between adults on the lowest rungs of the income ladder and the rest of society lead to lower educational attainment and lower quality of education for their children. Furthermore, in part because of the educational disadvantages stemming from income inequality, Cingano’s work finds that higher economic inequality reduces the opportunities available to the poor. Thus, this study reinforces the work of University of Ottawa economist Miles Corak and others showing places with higher economic inequality tend to have lower economic mobility.
The new study follows in the wake of other research into the relationship between economic inequality and growth published this year. First, there was the extensive study by International Monetary Fund economists Jonathan Ostry, Andrew Berg, and Charalambos Tsangarides that found economic growth was slower and periods of growth were shorter in developed countries with higher inequality. Then economists Roy van der Weide of the World Bank and Branko Milanovic of the City University of New York looked at the U.S. states and found that high income inequality decreases income growth for those at the bottom of the income distribution. These previous papers identified rising inequality as detrimental to growth, but they did not focus on the mechanisms through which higher inequality affected growth.
This past September, Heather Boushey, Equitable Growth’s Executive Director, and I released our survey of the literature on the relationship between inequality and growth. We found that the research, while nuanced, indicates that higher inequality is associated with lower long-term economic growth. This OECD study provides yet more evidence pointing to that conclusion and goes further by providing an idea for why this association occurs. By identifying a channel by which inequality may harm growth, this paper also provides a target for policymakers—improving our educational system for low-income people in particular.