Maybe central banks should buy stocks as well

Specialist Charles Boeddinghaus, center, works on the floor of the New York Stock Exchange, Friday, May 13, 2016.

The main tools for fighting recessions have been fairly consistent: Central banks lower interest rates, and governments cut taxes and increase spending. Over the past few years, there have been innovations when it comes to monetary policy, with banks trying quantitative easing—the purchase of long-term bonds—and the recent adventures into negative nominal rate territory. But central banks are still largely in the business of intervening in the short-term end of the bond market. Perhaps monetary policy or fiscal policy, should consider intervening in a much riskier market: stocks.

The idea that policymakers may want to buy and sell stocks in the equity markets is far from mainstream, but University of California, Los Angeles economist Roger Farmer is forcefully arguing this idea. Understanding the case for intervening in the stock market first requires walking through Farmer’s views of the macroeconomy. For the most part, economists believe that the overall economy is self-correcting—that after a recession, the economy will eventually return to its previous size and growth rate. The debate is about how quickly the economy will return to that point and how to help it get there. But Farmer doesn’t subscribe to that underlying assumption. Farmer argues that an economy can get stuck in a situation where economic output is lower and won’t return to its previous size and growth rate until proactive action is taken to boost the economy.

Farmer’s argument stems from the idea that, according to his research, capital markets aren’t efficient. Price changes in assets like stocks aren’t based on changes in fundamentals of the assets, such as potential profits, but rather on seemingly random fluctuations in belief. In a recent paper, Farmer builds a model that incorporates this assumption along with one other assumption: People live and die. The fact that there are generational changes in the model allows for jumps in the prices of equities, which cause recessions or booms, to result in changes in the distribution of wealth and consumption across generations. This makes sense if you consider the large costs to recent graduates who enter labor markets during recessions.

Farmer’s model with these assumptions manages to partly explain two big puzzles in financial economics: the fact of excess volatility in stock prices, and the fact that the returns on equities are far above those of government bonds.

So how should policymakers make sure that these transfers (recessions) don’t happen? Well, if the problem is that asset prices are fluctuating too much, then policymakers have a reason to intervene in these markets to stabilize prices. Central banks or treasuries would buy stocks when the market is on the decline and sell when the market is on the upswing.

This idea does have some precedent. Consider the quantitative easing programs many central banks have implemented in recent years. Part of those programs are pure quantitative easing according to Farmer and Pawel Zabczyk (expanding the size of a central bank’s balance sheet) as well as qualitative easing (bringing more risky assets onto the balance sheet). Adding stocks would just be a change in the riskiness of the assets purchased. The Bank of Japan has been buying stocks via exchange-traded funds for years, though Farmer says it’s important not to just buy stocks but to do so in a way that reduces changes in the relative price of stocks.

For now, Farmer’s ideas are still at the edges of the policymaking world. But then again, so were the ideas that central banks would cut rates below zero or even contemplate “helicopter money.” Recent years have found opportunities for those ideas. Perhaps the future will find some for Farmer’s.

What can the state see? Or, the extraordinary power of the night-watchman state

Hoisted from 2010: James Scott, “Legibility,” Flavius Apion, Anoup, the Emperor Justinian, Robin of Locksley, Rebecca Daughter of Mordecai, King Richard, and Others..: Cato Unbound: James Scott: The Trouble with the View from Above.: A comment:

In 542 AD the late Roman (early Byzantine?) Emperor Justinian I wrote to his Praetorian Prefect concerning the army–trained and equipped and paid for by the Roman State to control the barbarians and to ‘increase the state.’ Justinian was, Peter Sarris reports in his Economy and Society in the Age of Justinian, upset that:

certain individuals had been daring to draw away soldiers and foederati from their duties, occupying such troops entirely with their own private business…. The emperor… prohibit[ed] such individuals from drawing to themselves or diverting troops… having them in their household… on their property or estates…. [A]ny individual who, after thirty days, continues to employ soldiers to meet his private needs and does not return them to their units will face confiscation of property… ‘and those soldiers and fioderati who remain in paramonar attendance upon them… will not only be deprived of their rank, but also undergo punishments up to and including capital punishment.’

Justinian is worried because what is going on in the country he rules is not legible to him. Soldiers–soldiers whom he has trained, equipped, and paid for–have been hired away from their frontier duties by the great landlords of the Empire and employed on their estates and in the areas they dominate as bully-boys. One such great landlord was Justinian’s own sometime Praefectus Praetorio per Orientem Flavius Apion, to whom one of Flavius’s tenants and debtors, one Anoup, wrote:

No injustice or wickedness has ever attached to the glorious household of my kind lord, but it is ever full of mercy and overflowing to supply the needs of others. On account of this I, the wretched slave of my good lord, wish to bring it to your lordship’s knowledge by this present entreaty for mercy that I serve my kind lord as my fathers and forefathers did before me and pay the taxes every year. And by the will of God… my cattle died, and I borrowed the not inconsiderable amount of 15 solidi…. Yet when I approached my kind lord and asked for pity in my straits, those belonging to my lord refused to do my lord’s bidding. For unless your pity extends to me, my lord, I cannot stay on my ktema and fulfill my services with regard to the properties of the estate. But I beseech and urge your lordship to command that mercy be shown to me because of the disaster that has overtaken me…

The late Roman Empire as Justinian wished it to be would consist of (a) slaves, (b) free Roman citizens (some of whom owned a lot of land), (c) soldiers, (d) bureaucrats, and (e) an emperor. The slaves would work for their masters. Slaves along with their citizen masters and non-slaveholding citizens would farm the empire (some of the citizens owning their land; some renting it). All would be prosperous and pay their taxes. And the emperor would use the taxes to pay the soldiers who dealt with the Persians, the Huns, the Goths, and the Vandals; to fund the building of Hagia Sophia and other works of architecture in Constantinople; and to promote the true faith and extirpate heresy. If the countryside were legible to him, that is how things would be–slaves and citizens in their places, landlords and tenants in their mutually-beneficial contractual relationships, all prosperous and all paying their taxes to support the empire.

But Justinian knows very well that the countryside is not legible to him. The contracts that Flavius Apion makes with his tenants are made under the shadow of the threat that if Flavius Apion does not like the way things are going he will send a bucellarius to beat you up. Anoup is not pointing out to Flavius Apion that their landlord-tenant relationship is a good thing and that keeping him as a tenant rather than throwing him off the land for failure to pay the rent is in both their interests. Instead, Anoup is calling himself a slave (which he is not). Anoup is calling Flavius Apion a lord (which he is not supposed to be). Anoup is appealing to a long family history of dependence of himself and his ancestors on the various Flavii Apionoi and Flavii Strategioi of past generations. Justinian thinks that things would be better served if the countryside were properly legible to him and he could enforce reality to correspond to the legal order of slaves and citizens, tenants and landlords interacting through contract, and taxpayers. Flavius Apion would prefer that the order be one of proto-feudalism: that all the Anoups know and understand that they are at his mercy, and that the emperor is far, far away. And we don’t know what Anoup thinks. We do know thait does not sound as though he experiences the lack of legibility of the countryside to the emperor and his state as a full and complete liberation. And we do know that the Emperor Justinian was gravely concerned about the transformation of his soldiers into bucellarii, into the dependent bully-boys of the landlords–both because it meant that they were not on the borders where they belonged and because it disturbed what he saw as the proper balance of power in the countryside and what he saw as the emperor’s justice.

Justinian’s big (and to him insoluble) problem was that the Flavius Apion whose bully-boys beat up his tenants when they displeased was the same Flavius Apion who headed Justinian’s own bureaucracy.

Thus when James Scott speaks of how local knowledge and local arrangements having the ability to protect the people of civil society from an overmighty, blundering state, I say ‘perhaps’ and I say ‘sometimes.’

It is certainly the case that the fact that Sherwood Forest is illegible to the Sheriff of Nottingham allows Robin of Locksley and Maid Marian to survive. But that is just a stopgap. In the final reel of Ivanhoe the fair Rebecca must be rescued from the unworthy rogue Templar Sir Brian de Bois-Guilbert (and packed offstage to marry some young banker or rabbi), the Sheriff of Nottingham and Sir Guy of Gisborne must receive their comeuppance, the proper property order of Nottinghamshire must be restored, and Wilfred must marry the fair Rowena–and all this is accomplished by making Sherwood Forest and Nottinghamshire legible to the true king, Richard I ‘Lionheart’ Plantagenet, and then through his justice and good lordship.

A state that makes civil society legible to itself cannot protect us from its own fits of ideological terror, or even clumsy thumb-fingeredness. A state to which civil society is illegible cannot help curb roving bandits or local notables. And neither type of state has proved terribly effective at constraining its own functionaries.

In some ways, the ‘night watchman’ state–the state that enables civil society to develop and function without distortions imposed by roving bandits, local notables, and its own functionaries, but that also is content to simply sit back and watch civil society–is the most powerful and unlikely state of all.

Must-read: Ernst Gellner: “Nations and Nationalism”

Must-Read: Ernst Gellner (1998): Nations and Nationalism:: “It may be worthwhile giving a short, no doubt incomplete, list…

…of false theories of nationalism:

  1. It is natural and self-evident and self-generating. If absent, this must be due to forceful repression.
  2. It is an artificial consequence of ideas which did not need ever to be formulated, and appeared by a regrettable accident. Political life even in industrial societies could do without it.
  3. The Wrong Address Theory favored by Marxism: Just as extreme Shi’ite Muslims hold that Archangel Gabriel made a mistake, delivering the Message to Mohamed when it was intended for Ali, so Marxists basically like to think that the spirit of history of human consciousness made terrible boob. The awakening message was intended for classes, but by some terrible postal error was delivered to nations. It is now necessary for revolutionary activists to persuade the wrongful recipient to hand over the message, and the zeal it engenders, to the rightful and intended recipient. The unwillingness of both the rightful and the usurping recipient to fall in with this requirement causes the activist great irritation…

Must-read: Ben Thompson: “Antitrust and Aggregation”

Must-Read: Ben Thompson: Antitrust and Aggregation: “What ultimately undid Microsoft…

…and why that $95 billion revenue figure was a peak; the current trailing twelve month number is $87 billion–was that even as Windows continued to have a monopoly on laptops and desktops the definition of a computer was dramatically expanded to include smartphones (and, to a lesser extent, tablets). And while many Microsoft partisans argue that the antitrust-related restrictions caused the company to miss mobile, the truth is Apple’s iPhone succeeded by being a very different product than Windows, and Android leveraged a very different business model; if anything Microsoft’s PC dominance meant their mobile failure was inevitable as the company was ill-equipped to think differently…

Must-read: Marshall Steinbaum: “Should the American Middle Class Fear the World’s Poor?”

Must-Read:The very sharp young whippersnapper Marshall Steinbaum:

Marshall Steinbaum: Should the American Middle Class Fear the World’s Poor?: “Politicians responsible to the public cannot sell the idea that the domestic middle class must suffer…

…to the benefit of foreigners. The tradeoff idea instead serves the folk mythology of an elite class of economic policy consensus–enforcers, who push policies that enrich the already wealthy. Democracy is supposed to operate as a natural check to bring the elite policy-making consensus in line with popular opinion and interest; playing the domestic middle class against a foreign one is one of many ways to keep that from happening. Asking which ought to suffer to benefit the other distracts attention from the real issue: their joint exploitation at the hands of globally mobile capital.

In my card-carrying neoliberal view, policies in the Global North to restrict trade (or restrict immigration either below or at rates not far above current ones!) would do relatively little to improve the domestic distribution of income and impose great harm on development prospects in emerging markets. The “China Shock” of the GWB administration is the only trade-related episode that is even plausibly as important as other policy moves. And it would be trivial to compensate for even its net distributional harm.

In my view, the focus of left-wing attention on trade restrictions is due not to the importance of international trade flows in altering income distribution, but rather springs from different motives: from attempts to hook up some of the energy that for two centuries now has been abundantly focused on nation and cross-connect it to class. As Ernst Gellner wrote, leftists have been faced with what they regard as a historical anomaly in the rise of nationalism, and have reacted by embracing:

The Wrong Address Theory…. Just as extreme Shi’ite Muslims hold that Archangel Gabriel made a mistake, delivering the Message to Mohamed when it was intended for Ali, so Marxists basically like to think that the spirit of history of human consciousness made terrible boob. The awakening message was intended for classes, but by some terrible postal error was delivered to nations. It is now necessary for revolutionary activists to persuade the wrongful recipient to hand over the message, and the zeal it engenders, to the rightful and intended recipient. The unwillingness of both the rightful and the usurping recipient to fall in with this requirement causes the activist great irritation…

Policies to enhance intellectual property rights and preserve rents are, of course, another kettle of fish entirely…

Must-read: John Quiggin: Predistribution and Profits

Must-Read: John Quiggin on the exorbitant privilege of the corporate form:

John Quiggin: Predistribution and Profits: “The social constructions of property rights and institutions surrounding employment makes a big difference…

…to the determination of wages and working conditions. These social constructions affect ‘predistribution’, the distribution of income and wealth that arises before the effects of taxes and public expenditure are taken into account. Predistribution is equally relevant to… profit derived from private businesses and corporations…. The risks of running a business in the 18th century, and well into the 19th, were substantial and personal. There was no such thing as bankruptcy: a business failure meant debtors prison, where debtors could be held until they had worked off their debt via labor or secured outside funds to pay the balance….

[In] the middle of the 19th century… personal bankruptcy laws put an end to debtors prison, greatly reducing the risks of running a business. The creation of the limited liability company was an even more radical change. These changes faced vigorous resistance from advocates of the free market…. In Economics in One Lesson, Hazlitt doesn’t mention limited liability or personal bankruptcy and seems to assume (like most defenders of the market) that these are a natural feature of market societies. More theoretically inclined propertarians have continued to debate the legitimacy of bankruptcy and limited liability laws, without reaching a conclusion….

The distribution of income and wealth is radically changed both by the existence of these institutions and by the details of their design. In particular, the massive accumulations of personal wealth made possible by capital gains from share ownership would simply not exist. Perhaps there would be comparable accumulations of wealth derived in some other way, but the owners of that wealth would be different people. A crucial policy question, therefore, is whether current laws and policies relating to corporate bankruptcy and limited liability have promoted the growth of inequality and contributed to the weak and crisis-ridden economy….

What can be done to redress the balance that has been tipped so blatantly in favor of corporations? The obvious starting point is transparency…. More generally, though, the idea that corporations are a natural part of the economic order, with all the human rights of individuals, and none of the obligations needs to be challenged. Limited liability corporations are creations of public policy, useful to the extent that they promote the efficient use of capital but dangerous to the extent that they facilitate gross inequalities of income and opportunity.

Must-read: Eduardo Porter: “As Jobs Vanish, Forgetting What Government Is For”

Must-Read: Eduardo Porter: As Jobs Vanish, Forgetting What Government Is For: “Though the decline of well-paid working class jobs is often portrayed as the inevitable consequence of globalization and technological change…

…it is in large part the result of a failure of government…. ‘Concrete Economics’ (Harvard Business Review Press) by J. Bradford DeLong and Stephen Cohen… ‘American Amnesia’ (Simon and Schuster) by Jacob S. Hacker and Paul Pierson… point out that for all our love of rugged individualism, government played a large and underappreciated role in reshaping the American economy before — and it could do so again….

High tariffs against imports imposed from the time of Alexander Hamilton, to help foster America’s industrial development… huge grants of land to build railways… [which] vastly increased productivity in agriculture… catalog retailing to centralized meatpacking… innovations that spawned entire industries…. Bolstering workers’ human capital… the Land-Grant College Act… the G.I. Bill…. Local governments across the country poured money and resources into an impressive expansion of secondary education…. Finally, the government directly created jobs — whether in the burst of infrastructure investment in the 1930s that gave us the Hoover Dam, among other huge projects, or the tenfold increase in federal spending from 1939 to 1945 as the government built up the military-industrial complex to fight Germany and Japan.

Why American politics turned against this successful model of pragmatic policy-making remains controversial…. The good news is that the United States may have the best opportunity in decades to overcome its anti-government political biases…. So what’s holding us back? The loss of a vision, once shared across much of the ideological spectrum, of what government can accomplish, when it is allowed to do its job.