On the Negative Information Revealed by Marvin Goodfriend’s “I Don’t Teach IS-LM”

The smart and snarky Sam Bell wants to taunt me into rising to his bait by twittering https://twitter.com/sam_a_bell/status/872116967070732288 a quote from likely Fed nominee Marvin Goodfriend: “I don’t teach IS-LM”. He succeeds. Here is the quote:

TOM KEENE: But, Marvin, with, you know, basic IS-LM and theory and all that stuff you teach in Economics 101, aren’t we going to see a dampening of GDP if we see a restrictive Fed?

MARVIN GOODFRIEND: By the way, I don’t teach IS-LM. But what I would say is this…

And here is the tape:

March 23, 2012: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=emvSYwUnWyI&ab_channel=Bloomberg


Let me start by analyzing “I don’t teach IS-LM”. And let me preface this by saying that Marvin Goodfried is a very sharp and honest economist. But I believe that whenever anybody says “I don’t teach IS-LM” they are one of:

  1. Making completely implausible and wrong claims about how the economy works.
  2. Being lazy and/or stupid.
  3. Declaring a tribal affiliation to a particular Carnegie-Mellon tradition of macroeconomic analysis that the late Rudi Dornbusch described to me and others as “Jim Tobin with original errors”, and that I think has shed a lot more heat than light on real issues.

Let us start with (1), and let us start with Irving Fisher’s monetarism: the quantity of money demanded in the economy is given by the equation:

Md = PY/V

where M is the quantity of money demanded, P is the price level, Y is the level of production, and V is the velocity of money—the value of transactions that having $1 in the bank or in cash as money can support, in the sense of manufacturing the needed trust so that the transactions will go through.

If you believe that that velocity of money is fixed by the institutions of the banking system and the technology supporting transactions, then you do not have to teach IS-LM. You have reached a full stop, and have the monetarist conclusion that the total nominal spending in the economy—prices times quantities produced—is equal to a constant times the economy’s money stock, with the constant of proportionality chaining slowly over time as the institutions of the banking system and the technology supporting transactions slowly changes.

That is meaning (1) of “I don’t teach IS-LM”: I do not need to teach it because it is not important in determining how much spending there is the economy. That is implausible and wrong. Here is the graph of velocity since 1960—the thing that is supposed to be on a smooth and steady time trend if “I don’t teach IS-LM” is a sensible thing to say:

Velocity of M2 Money Stock FRED St Louis Fed

Even before the 1990s any model assuming an unproblematic relationship between the money stock and total spending was badly awry, although not as badly awry as it has been since.

Now let’s move on to (2)—lazy and/or stupid. The graph above tells you that if you want to forecast—or even retrospectively explain—the relationship between the money stock and the level of spending, you need a model of what the determinants of the fluctuations of velocity we see are. If we draw a graph with the level of spending on the horizontal axis and some sufficient statistics for the determinants of velocity on the vertical axis, the path traced out by our equation:

Md = PY/V

is conventionally called “the LM curve”. But you then need to know where on the LM curve the economy will be—you need another curve. And that other curve is conventionally called “the IS curve”.

To claim that you do not teach IS-LM is to implicitly claim that you do not need to figure out where on the LM curve the economy will be. That is something it is only possible to say if you are being lazy, or stupid.

The third meaning of “I don’t teach IS-LM” is that it is a CMU-school tribal indentification marker, and has no purpose beyond that—no intellectual purpose.

So, yes, the fact that Marvin Goodfriend would go on Tom Keene’s surveillance and say “I don’t teach IS-LM” makes me think a good deal less of him. I do, however, interpret that claim as a declaration of tribal allegiance to CMU-school macro. I do not interpret it as a claim that you don’t need a model of the determinants of fluctuations in velocity. I do not interpret it as a claim that there are no fluctuations in velocity large enough to worry about.

What worries me more, however, is what comes next:

GOODFRIEND: There is no way that this recovery can proceed with any degree of confidence unless the Fed makes sure that inflation does not move up. So I think the risks are exactly reversed from the way the Fed chairman discusses this. He has to make the public understand that any whiff of doubt about the Fed’s ability and willingness to stabilize inflation is going to put a crimp into the public’s willingness to take positions and commitments over the next two or three years that would produce genuine growth. And so I would just take it, and turn it on its head, and not put the question as you did to me, but reverse it.

The risks of allowing any latitude in inflation expectations to build dup, or any doubt about the Fed’s willingness to do what it takes to keep inflation down, is to me the most likely risk in preventing this recovery from getting any traction…

Do notice that Marvin Goodfriend is, here, thinking in terms of an IS-LM model. When he says “any whiff of doubt about the Fed’s ability and willingness to stabilize inflation is going to put a crimp into the public’s willingness to take positions and commitments… is to me the most likely risk in preventing this recovery from getting any traction…”, he is saying: “any whiff of doubt about the Fed’s ability and willingness to keep inflation low will cause a large leftward shift in the IS curve that will prevent this recovery from getting any traction…” He does not do more than gesture at an expectational mechanism for this leftward shift in the IS curve that he wants the Federal Reserve to take action to head off. But it is what he fears.

And, of course, Goodfriend was wrong: a continuation of Bernanke’s extraordinary easing policies was not going raise “any whiff of doubt about the Fed’s ability and willingness to stabilize inflation”.

Here we have a market-based measure of inflation expectations—the ten-year breakeven inflation rate since 2010: that inflation rate over the forthcoming ten years that would, at each date, have made investments in conventional Ten-Year U.S. Treasury bonds and investments in Ten-Year Inflation-Protected Securities (TIPS) equally profitable. The vertical blue line marks March 23, 2012: the date of Marvin Goodfriend’s interview. The point that Marvin was hammering home again and again on March 23, 2012 was that the Federal Reserve needed to rapidly start shrinking its balance sheet and raising interest rates lest inflation expectations break out to the upside.

The Federal Reserve ignored Marvin Goodfriend.

And Marvin Goodfriend was wrong. The shift to a tighter, more restrictive policy he demanded then was not necessary to prevent an upside breakout of inflation expectations.

In fact, the Federal Reserve’s persistent problem since has been that expectations of—and actual outcomes for—inflation have been well below rather than above the Federal Reserve’s targets.

I would very much like to hear Marvin Goodfriend explain why he misjudged the situation in the spring of 2012, and how he has updated his view of the economy and of optimal monetary policy since.

JOLTS Day Graphs: April 2017 Report Edition

Every month the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics releases data on hiring, firing, and other labor market flows from the Job Openings and Labor Turnover Survey, better known as JOLTS. Today, the BLS released the latest data for April 2017. This report doesn’t get as much attention as the monthly Employment Situation Report, but it contains useful information about the state of the U.S. labor market. Below are a few key graphs using data from the report.

The quits rate declined slightly to 2.1 percent, but that’s familiar territory for the statistic. It’s been 2.1 percent in 10 of the past 12 months.

The number of unemployed workers per job opening declined in April to 1.17, the second lowest ratio on record.

The vacancy yield, a measure of how readily a job opening turns into a hire, fell quite a bit to 0.84 in April from 0.92 in March.

The relationship between job openings and the unemployment rate hasn’t returned to its pre-recession form, due to the shift in the relationship for long-term unemployed workers.

Must-Read: Sarah Kliff: Nevada’s legislature just passed a radical plan to let anybody sign up for Medicaid

Must-Read: Sarah Kliff: Nevada’s legislature just passed a radical plan to let anybody sign up for Medicaid: “Nevada’s bill… just four pages… would allow any state resident… to buy into the state Medicaid program… under the name the Nevada Care Plan… https://www.vox.com/policy-and-politics/2017/6/6/15731622/nevada-medicaid-for-all

…Michael Sprinkle…. Under his bill, people who qualify for tax credits under the Affordable Care Act would be able to use those credits to buy Medicaid coverage instead. People who don’t qualify for anything would be able to use their own money to do the same. The plan would likely sell on Nevada’s health insurance marketplace, making it a public option to compete against the private health insurance plans also selling there. The buy-in coverage would be pretty much identical to the coverage traditional Medicaid provides…. Democrats explored the possibility of a Medicare buy-in during the health care debate in 2009 and 2010. The buy-in option was relatively narrow, only allowing Americans over 55 to participate in the program. Those under the age threshold would still be limited to private health insurance plans. Early versions of the Affordable Care Act included the buy-in provision. But the Senate was forced to drop the Medicare buy-in from its bill when it couldn’t get the entire caucus behind the idea. Health industries fought aggressively against the idea, which could disadvantage insurers by cutting into their market share…

Should-Read: Olivia P. Judson: The energy expansions of evolution

Should-Read: Olivia P. Judson: The energy expansions of evolution: “The history of the life–Earth system can be divided into five ‘energetic’ epochs… https://www.nature.com/articles/s41559-017-0138

…geochemical… sunlight, oxygen, flesh and fire…. Oxygen, flesh, and fire are all consequences of evolutionary events. Since no category of energy source has disappeared, this has, over time, resulted in an expanding realm of the sources of energy available to living organisms and a concomitant increase in the diversity and complexity of ecosystems. These energy expansions have also mediated the transformation of key aspects of the planetary environment…. Using energy as a lens… illuminates patterns in the entwined histories of life and Earth, and may also provide a framework for considering the potential trajectories of life–planet systems elsewhere…. These expansions are consequences of events in the evolution of life, and they have mediated the transformation of the planet from an anoxic world that could support only microbial life, to one that boasts the rich geology and diversity of life present today. Here, I review these energy expansions…

Should-Read: Henry Farrell: The Strange Death of Anglo-American Liberalism

Should-Read: Henry Farrell: The Strange Death of Anglo-American Liberalism: “The Financial Times… committed to free markets, but with a undertone that they had to have decent outcomes… http://crookedtimber.org/2017/05/31/the-strange-death-of-anglo-american-liberalism/

…Pro concerted action to solve international problems such as global warming. Very much in favor of Europe’s role in helping to cement democracy in Eastern Europe and always ready to deplore backsliding and corruption. Broadly in favor of small-l liberalism with respect to… dubious authoritarian tendencies…. Economic inequality was always a dicey set of issues for a newspaper whose financial model depended in part on the “How to Spend It” supplement…. But… a reasonably well-defined possibility-space of vaguely-left liberal to vaguely-right liberal positions, triangulating between European and UK perspectives, from which FT writers (and readers) could draw.

That has all changed…. Gideon Rachman[‘s]… anger shading into grief…. Not [his] attack on Trump… or… the terms of… Brexit deal, which FT writers have been banging on about for all the obvious reasons since the vote happened. It’s Merkel’s “unfair” suggestion that Trump’s America and May’s Britain are the same kind of problem, states that Europe simply can’t rely on any more. Dealing with the Brexit whiplash is bad enough, without the Germans rubbing salt and grit into the wounds…. Europhile British liberals don’t have much of a place to go these days, apart from the Liberal Democrats (but I repeat myself). It’s hard to see how the UK will return to liberalism in the foreseeable future…. The current standard bearers of liberalism have French names–Macron and Trudeau–and run second or third ranked powers…. Unless things change again, there won’t be much space left for… ‘decent’ market liberalism…. I suspect that the newspaper will gradual change to reflect this. If I’m right in this prediction, and if, as I suspect, it will be replaced by worse things, I’ll be sorry to see it go…

Should-Read: Laura Panza and Jeffrey G. Williamson: Australian Squatters, Convicts, and Capitalists: Dividing Up a Fast-Growing Frontier Pie 1821-1871

Should-Read: Laura Panza and Jeffrey G. Williamson: Australian Squatters, Convicts, and Capitalists: Dividing Up a Fast-Growing Frontier Pie 1821-1871: “Compared with its nineteenth century competitors, Australian GDP per worker grew exceptionally fast… http://www.nber.org/papers/w23416

…about twice that of the US and three times that of Britain…. Using a novel data set we offer new evidence supporting unambiguously the view that, in sharp contrast with US, Australia underwent a revolutionary levelling in incomes between the 1820s and the 1870s. This assessment is based on our annual estimates of functional shares in the form of land rents, convict incomes, free unskilled incomes, free skill premiums, British imperial transfers and a capitalist residual…

Should-Read: Brad DeLong (1995Trade Policy and America’s Standard of Living: An Historical Perspective

Should-Read: Brad DeLong (1995): Trade Policy and America’s Standard of Living: An Historical Perspective http://pages.ucsd.edu/~jlbroz/Courses/POLI142B/syllabus/delong.pdf: Before the Great Depression, the U.S. went through waves of protection and liberalization…

…as the federal government’s demands for revenue and industry pressure for protection waxed and waned. Some advocates of protection then as now argued that it would enhance economic development: translated into the language of modern economics, they argued that protection shifted American economic activity toward manufacturing, and that increasing returns to scale and externalities made specialization in manufacturing uniquely valuable for economic development.

But even if protection generated endogenous productivity growth by increasing economic activity in the externality-generating manufacturing sector, it slowed the rate of growth of wages because high tariffs on imported capital goods retarded capital deepening and delayed the development of capital-intensive infrastructure and industry. For plausible magnitudes, this second effect dominates: whatever Americans gained in faster mastery of technology as a result of protection in the late 19th century, they lost more because the higher price of—imported—capital goods made it more difficult and costly to build America’s transportation network and industrial base.

Must-Read: Mark Thoma: The More Trump Fails, the Better Off We’ll Be

Must-Read: Mark Thoma: The More Trump Fails, the Better Off We’ll Be: “The Trump administration has gone to war against independent sources of information that pose a challenge to its policy goals and the narratives… http://www.thefiscaltimes.com/Columns/2017/06/05/More-Trump-Fails-Better-We-ll-Be

…One of the most recent targets is the Congressional Budget Office…. Trump’s budget director, Mick Mulvaney, criticized the CBO’s estimate that 23 million people would lose health insurance if the Republican health care plan were to be enacted: “If the same person is doing the score of undoing Obamacare who did the scoring of Obamacare in the first place, my guess is that there is probably some sort of bias in favor of a government mandate.” He went on to claim that the CBO is a partisan organization, and other Republicans defended him by arguing that the CBO’s estimates of insurance coverage under Obamacare were overly optimistic and biased in favor of the Obama administration. In responding to this, it’s useful to remember why Congress created the CBO in the first place. As Peter Suderman explains, the problem Congress was trying to solve was “a powerful executive branch with incentives to offer conveniently misleading, overly rosy projections about the costs and budgetary impacts of major federal expenses like war and entitlements. Congressional frustration boiled over during the Nixon administration… and the Congressional Budget Office was born.” Suderman goes on to conclude, “Basically, the CBO was created as a budgetary power center that could check the influence of the administration’s Office of Management and Budget (OMB).”

It’s telling that Mulvaney is the Director of the OMB, and the administration’s budget is a prime example of “overly rosy” projections–with double-counting thrown in for good measure…

Must-Read: Financial Times: The needless urge for higher borrowing costs

Must-Read: The Financial Times is woke: it has joined the Left Central bank Opposition:

Financial Times: The needless urge for higher borrowing costs: “Talk of ‘normalising’ interest rates betrays a mistaken belief… https://www.ft.com/content/b752f7dc-4782-11e7-8d27-59b4dd6296b8

…Central banks are supposed to be targeting inflation, which remains stubbornly low, its relationship with the apparent tightness in the economy showing few signs of replicating its historic pattern. On the Fed’s preferred “core” measure… annual inflation was 1.5 per cent in April…. In the eurozone… the ECB’s own projections show the core rate at 1.1 per cent this year. In this context, the apparent determination of the Fed in particular to press on with interest rate rises looks a little peculiar. Having created expectations that it was likely to tighten policy with three quarter-point increases over the course of 2017, the Fed is acting more like a party to a contract that feels the need to honour its terms, than a central bank that takes the data as it finds them. Fortunately, there appears to be more resistance to the danger of premature tightening at the ECB….

There are two mistaken ideas at the heart of the urge to tighten policy too quickly. The first is that interest rates need “normalising”, as though there were an eternal and fixed level of equilibrium real rates. The evidence that the real rate has substantially lowered, even before the global financial crisis, is strong. The second is the belief that the output capacity of the economy, measured by the unemployment rate or by other metrics, is sufficiently well known that a central bank can safely raise rates on the basis of gross domestic product growth or increases in employment before it sees inflation start to rise. The history of the past few years, where inflation has continually undershot expectations despite recoveries in the major economies, suggests otherwise….

The Fed… the ECB… both betray, at least in some quarters of those institutions, a misguided approach to monetary policy that ignores recent experience in favour of a default expectation that the future will be like the past.

Must- and Should-Reads: June 5, 2017


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