Puzzling over U.S. wage growth

The unemployment rate is below its Great Recession levels, but wage growth hasn’t picked up in recent years. The prime employment rate may be a better predictor of wage growth than unemployment rates.

The state of U.S. wage growth these days is puzzling. The unemployment rate is below where it was before the Great Recession back in 2007, but nominal wage growth is below its level that year and hasn’t picked up in recent years (according to some data series). For economists and analysts who believe that a tighter labor market should lead to higher wages, this disconnect is confusing.

But some analysts, myself included, suggest that the seemingly very tight labor market might not be that tight. The unemployment rate may be low (3.9 percent in April), but the share of workers in their prime years (ages 25 to 54) with a job (79.2 percent) is still below its 2007 level. The prime employment rate can predict wage and compensation growth quite well. Such a continued strong relationship between these variables would suggest that slack remains in the labor market. Stronger wage growth will show up, according to this line of thinking, if the prime employment rate further increases.

Jason Furman, the former chair of the Council of Economic Advisers, isn’t sold on this narrative. Furman (now at Harvard University and a senior fellow at the Peterson Institute of International Economics and a member of Equitable Growth’s Steering Committee) lays out his concerns in a series of tweets to which Evercore ISI economist Ernie Tedeschi and I have responded. While this might be a quick way to engage on this topic, Paul Krugman has a point that the arguments can be hard to follow. So, let’s lay out some of Furman’s concerns here, as well as some of Krugman’s substantive thoughts, and then turn to a “statement of principles” about this question.

Furman’s critiques of the prime employment rate’s “answer” to the wage growth puzzle can be separated into two parts. The first has to do with the measures of wage growth. Furman notes the differences among the main metrics of wage growth. The commonly cited average hourly earnings, or AHE, data series shows that wage growth is stuck at around 2.5 percent. It hasn’t accelerated much, as the unemployment rate has dropped and the prime employment rate has increased. In contrast, the growth in wages and salaries according to the Employment Cost Index, or ECI, is moving slowly but steadily upward. (See Figure 1.)

Figure 1

The question here is, which wage growth measure do you trust more? The average hourly earnings data are monthly and have a large sample size. But they do not account for the changing composition of workers, which might be biasing measured wage growth downward. The ECI data do adjust for the composition of jobs, but they are only released quarterly and have a smaller sample size. Complicating the picture is the Wage Growth Tracker, a measure of wage growth for consistently employed workers, which was increasing through 2016 but has flat lined in recent years.

Krugman notes in his blog post that increased monopsony power might be responsible for the lack of wage growth. He lays out an argument where firms with market power and which are “scarred” by the memory of the Great Recession are less willing to raise wages. This structural trend could explain why a tight labor market hasn’t led to faster wage growth.

The second part of Furman’s point is that the prime employment rate doesn’t appear to be “stationary.” A stationary variable is a metric that will eventually revert to its trend after a shock. The unemployment rate is a traditionally good example of a stationary variable. It’s at some level prior to a shock (a recession, for example) and then will eventually return to its pre-shock level. Furman’s issue with the prime employment rate is that it might not be stationary. The labor force participation rate of prime-age men has been declining since the late 1960s and women’s participation seems to be on a downward trend as well. This could mean that the level of the prime employment rate is telling economists and policymakers about both cyclical trends (how much slack is left) and secular trends (long-term changes to labor supply or demand in the economy). If the prime employment rate is nonstationary, then it won’t be a good metric for predicting wage growth in the future.

With these critiques in mind, here are some thoughts about what’s holding back wage growth in the United States at the moment. These thoughts are based on two briefs published in recent months looking at the tightness of the labor market and the declining rate at which firms are filling open jobs.

Hiring has not been particularly strong during this recovery in the U.S. labor market, particularly when measured against the number of vacant jobs. Part of the decline in hires per job vacancy—a metric known as the vacancy yield or the job-fill rate—is due to the tightening of the labor market, but even accounting for the low unemployment-to-vacancy ratio hiring is down. (See Figure 2.)

Figure 2

But only certain kinds of hiring are down. Hiring of workers who were previously unemployed or out of the labor market is in-line with the previous labor market recovery. The hiring that is down is the hiring of already-employed workers.

These two trends could affect wage growth in two ways. One is that the hiring of unemployed and not-in-the-labor-force workers could be affecting the composition of wages and pushing down measured wage growth. These newly hired workers are likely to be earning lower wages, therefore adding them to the pool of employed workers will reduce the average wage overall. Such a trend could explain why the average hourly earnings wage series is still showing muted wage growth.

The Atlanta Fed Wage Growth Tracker tries to account for this issue by only looking at the wage gains of already-employed workers. But again, this measure has been quite weak recently as well. Perhaps the lack of job-switching or hiring of already-employed workers is behind this trend. Wage growth would be stronger according to this metric, perhaps, if more workers were switching jobs. Whether this is a structural or cyclical issue is up for debate. If the issue is cyclical, then the rate of job turnover could increase and push this measure of wage growth up. Or a structural increase in employer market power such as monopsony could be at work, meaning that workers’ movement between firms won’t increase much, and wage growth for already-employed workers won’t increase much, either.

The potential of more workers entering the labor force is at the heart of the debate over the utility of the prime employment rate as a measure of slack. If there’s a significant number of workers who don’t have a job but would like one if they thought one were available, then we would see an increase in the labor force participation rate, all things being equal. In recent months, the labor force participation rate has been fairly constant in the face of an aging population. The participation rate for prime-age workers has been steadily increasing. This shift could explain why the relationship between the unemployment rate and wage growth, as measured by average hourly earnings, isn’t holding up. The workers who are getting hired from this “shadow slack” may have lower wages and therefore be pushing down measured wage growth.

Given the shifting composition of workers in the labor market, looking at a measure of wage growth that accounts for compositional changes makes sense. But we also want a measure of wage growth that captures all employed workers, not just those who’ve been employed for some time. The Employment Cost Index may have flaws, but it’s the best metric of the currently available data for this question. Change in measures such as the Wage Growth Tracker may indicate, for example, that the U.S. labor market has tightened enough to boost job-switching and employers’ poaching of workers.

But what’s happening in the labor market as a whole? It’s not clear that the prime employment rate is fully stationary. There’s some suggestive evidence that this may be true, but more research and thinking on this issue is needed. Analysis of the data shows a weak relationship between the unemployment rate and a good measure of wage growth. The prime employment rate has a much stronger relationship and has done a good job predicting wage growth out of the sample it draws from. The relationship is holding up in practice. Economists and analysts may just need to figure out how it works in theory.

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Unlocking Antitrust Enforcement: New Yale symposium examines proposals to make antitrust enforcement more effective

The Yale Law Journal today published a symposium, “Unlocking Antitrust Enforcement,” based on papers that were presented at an event the Washington Center for Equitable Growth co-hosted with the Program on Law and Government at American University Washington College of Law in October, 2017. Leading scholars and practitioners discussed nine proposals for more vigorous enforcement of existing antitrust laws. Videos of the discussions are available online.

Antitrust, in the words of Senator Amy Klobuchar (D-MN), is now cool to talk about. Last fall, the comedian commentator John Oliver devoted a segment of Last Week Tonight to corporate consolidation. This popular interest mirrors a renewed academic focus on the state of competition and monopoly power in the economy. Recent research explores the relationship between declining competition and declining business investment, declining labor share, and stagnating wages.

The Washington Center for Equitable Growth is documenting these trends through a series of papers on antitrust and competition. “Market Power in the U.S. Economy Today,” by Jonathan Baker, a professor at American University Washington College of Law, reviews the evidence about declining competition in the economy. “U.S. antitrust and competition policy amid the new merger wave,” by John Kwoka, the Neal F. Finnegan Distinguished Professor of Economics at Northeastern University, analyzes both the rise in concentration and one possible explanation: changing merger enforcement policy at the Federal Trade Commission and the Antitrust Division of the U.S. Department of Justice. “A Communications Oligopoly on Steroids,” by Gene Kimmelman the President and CEO of Public Knowledge, and Mark Cooper of the Consumer Federation of America, explains why antitrust enforcement and regulatory oversight in digital communications matter to consumers, an issue of particular relevance given major proposed mergers such as AT&T/Time-Warner, Sinclair/Tribune Media, and, most recently, Sprint/T-Mobile. Finally, Washington Equitable Junior Fellow Jacob Robbins has coauthored a paper on how rising market power in the United State may be affecting macroeconomic results and may help explain some of those macroeconomic puzzles.

A healthy, vigorous debate is occurring over the state of competition in the U.S. economy and what solutions, if any, are needed. But, at times, it has devolved into intellectual name-calling and ad hominem attacks. The Yale Law Journal’s symposium takes a very different approach. Each paper represents a serious and thoughtful proposal for a specific problem that antitrust enforcement can tackle:

  • With growing concern that some firms may be using low pricing to drive out competitors, “Bringing Reality to the Law of Predation,” by Scott Hemphill and Phillip Weiser, offers a roadmap for bringing and deciding predatory pricing cases under current legal doctrine.
  • “Multisided Platforms and Antitrust Enforcement,” by Michael Katz and Jonathan Sallet, addresses a key doctrinal issue that is before the Supreme Court.
  • In the face of an increasing wave of vertical mergers (AT&T/Time Warner, Bayer/Monsanto), “Invigorating Vertical Merger Enforcement,” by Steven Salop, provides an up-to-date analytic framework for analyzing deals in in which two companies at different stages of an industry’s supply chain merge.
  • Relatedly, “Horizontal Mergers, Market Structure, and Burdens of Proof,” by Herbert Hovenkamp and Carl Shapiro, offers suggestions for strengthening the legal standards for judging horizontal mergers when a company acquires its competitor.
  • “Mergers That Harm Sellers,” by Scott Hemphill and Nancy Rose, explains why mergers that create monopsony power are anticompetitive and should be blocked under the antitrust laws. Monopsony power exists when the buyer, rather than the seller, possesses market power. The paper also explains why buyers with monopsony power do not pass their lower costs on to consumers.
  • “Platform MFNs and Antitrust Enforcement,” by Jonathan Baker and Fiona Scott Morton, examines Most Favored Nation clauses in the online travel industry, where internet platforms such as online travel agencies require a travel service provider (for example, a hotel) to give the platform the lowest prices, barring the provider from offering a lower price directly to consumers or through different platforms. Such provisions can harm competition by keeping prices high and discouraging entry of new platform rivals.
  • “Antitrust and Deregulation,” by Howard Shelanski, argues that in deregulatory eras, such as the current one, antitrust enforcement should become more aggressive.
  • “Antitrust and Effective FRAND Commitments,” by Douglas Melamed and Carl Shapiro, addresses patent-right abuses in standard-setting organizations that can increase the prices of products such as computers and cell phones. This paper is an important counterpoint to recent remarks by Assistant Attorney General Makan Delrahim.
  • “Horizontal Shareholding and Antitrust Enforcement,” by Herbert Hovenkamp and Fiona Scott Morton, explores whether and when mutual funds’ ownership of competing firms can harm competition.

Each paper sparked a lively debate, and their publication will generate more commentary. The Yale Law Journal’s symposium is certainly not the last word on the role of antitrust enforcement in today’s economy. But the symposium moves the debate toward developing a positive agenda for antitrust enforcement.

The Washington Center for Equitable Growth is glad to have helped support the event where these papers were presented and will continue to be part of this discussion. Next month, we will launch a series of articles by academics, former antitrust enforcers, and competition practitioners on antitrust policy. Until then you can always find Equitable Growth’s growing body of research and analysis on market power and antitrust here.

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Brad DeLong: Worthy reads on equitable growth, May 18-24, 2018

Worthy reads at Equitable Growth:

  1. Austin Clemens and Heather Boushey: “Disaggregating growth: Measuring who prospers when the economy grows.” Equitable Growth’s computational social scientist and its executive director and chief economist write: “NIPA… were a radical advance in economic measurement when they were instituted…. The lack of data on how income is distributed is especially glaring now in the face of rapidly increasing economic inequality…. Instead of revolutionizing GDP, U.S. policymakers should evolutionize it… add an explicitly distributional component to GDP…”
  2. Hold it! Why does the spread of Microsoft Office shift workers away from “non-routine analytic” and toward “routine cognitive and routine manual” tasks? Read Enghin Atalay et al., “New technologies and the labor market,” in which the authors write that “most new technologies are associated with an increase in nonroutine analytic tasks, and a decrease in nonroutine interactive, routine cognitive, and routine manual tasks…. Through the lens of the model, the arrival of ICTs broadly shifts workers away from routine tasks, which increases the college premium. A notable exception is the Microsoft Office suite, which has the opposite set of effects…”
  3. I think that grappling with the work and legacy of John Kenneth Galbraith is a very important but rarely operated railway line within economics. So I put a signpost to it here: Brad DeLong: Galbraithian economics: Countervailing power edition.
  4. Jacob Robbins: “How the rise of market power in the United States may explain some macroeconomic puzzles,” in which the Brown University Ph.D. candidate in economics and doctoral fellow at Equitable growth writes: “Surprising… facts about… growth and rising… inequality…. 1. Financial wealth has increased… despite no real increase in… investment…. 2. The financial value of many firms now is permanently higher than the cost of their assets…. 3. These more valuable firms haven’t invested more…. 4. The average rate of return on capital has stayed steady while interest rates have dropped. 5. The share of income going to labor… has declined…. The driving force behind them is an increase in monopoly power together with a decline in interest rates…

Worthy reads not at Equitable Growth:

  1. Once again, from the University of Oregon, Mark Thoma’s Economists’ View continues to be the single best link aggregator in economic policy and theoretical economics: read him, and the things he links to.
  2. If you are in search of a very shrewd and informative take on the global tech industry, you ought to be reading—and perhaps subscribing to—the extremely sharp Ben Thompson. Read his Stratechery: “On the business, strategy, and impact of technology…”
  3. Interesting notes on how http://twitter.com has degraded the quality of the public sphere because of (1) the addictive immediacy of its call-and-response, parry-and-thrust; (2) its counterproductive extreme brevity; and (3) its failure to invest in proper twitter aggregation tools can be found as asides in Paul Krugman: ”Monopsony, Rigidity, and the Wage Puzzle.”
  4. Women’s and Children’s Liberation Front Edition: Martha Bailey: “More Power to the Pill: The Impact of Contraceptive Freedom on Women’s Labor Supply.” These effects are remarkably large, and have held up to everything statistical that has been thrown at them: “The release of Enovid in 1960, the first birth control pill, afforded U. S. women unprecedented freedom to plan childbearing and their careers. This paper uses plausibly exogenous variation in state consent laws to evaluate the causal impact of the pill on the timing of first births and extent and intensity of women’s labor-force participation. The results suggest that legal access to the pill before age 21 significantly reduced the likelihood of a first birth before age 22, increased the number of women in the paid labor force, and raised the number of annual hours worked…”
  5. Daniel Schneider, Kristen Harknett, and Matthew Stimpson: “What Explains the Decline in First Marriage in the United States? Evidence from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics, 1969 to 2013.” The co-authors write that “Us[ing] individual and contextual measures of employment and incarceration to predict transitions to first marriage in the Panel Study of Income Dynamics (1969–2013)… [we] find that men’s reduced economic prospects and increased risk of incarceration contributed… although these basic measures… cannot explain the entire decline…
  6. David Glasner: “On Equilibrium in Economic Theory.” He writes that “F. A. Hayek… first articulated the concept… three noteworthy, but very different, versions… (1) an equilibrium of plans, prices, and expectations, (2) temporary equilibrium, and (3) rational-expectations equilibrium…. Hicks’s concept of temporary equilibrium… provides an important bridge connecting the pure hypothetical equilibrium of correct expectations and perfect consistency of plans with the messy real world in which expectations are inevitably disappointed and plans… revised…. Temporary-equilibrium… provide[s] the conceptual tools with which to understand how financial crises can occur and… be propagated…. The Lucasian idea of rational expectations… simply assumes away the problem of plan expectational consistency with which Hayek, Hicks and Radner and others who developed the idea of intertemporal equilibrium were so profoundly concerned…”
  7. Paul Krugman explains why the Trump administration is wrong in thinking our trade deficit with China means we would “win” a trade war, in “Why a Trade War With China Isn’t “Easy to Win.” He writes:It goes without saying that Trump is wrong about the economics of bilateral trade imbalances. But he’s also wrong about the political economy…. The political economy of trade is… mercantilist… driven largely by producer interests…. The genius of the postwar international trading system was that it harnessed this special-interest reality…. [But] in an era of complex international value chains… producers should care about… not how much they export but how much income they derive from exporting…”
  8. Very good people are working hard to explain Germany today. But put me down as suspecting strongly that not stressing the benefits of joining the euro at an undervalued parity leads this effort to be a Hamlet without the Prince of Denmark—Dalia Marin: “Explaining Germany’s exceptional recovery.” She writes that “Germany has transformed itself from ‘the sick man of Europe’ to an ‘economic superstar’, accounting for almost 8% of world exports. This column introduces a new VoxEU eBook that explores how Germany‘s extraordinary recovery came about. The contributors to the eBook find that changes in the labour market institutions and in firms’ business models as a result of trade liberalisation with Eastern Europe after the fall of communism explain Germany’s exceptional export performance. They also explain why Germany absorbed the ‘China shock’ more easily than other countries and why globalisation did not contribute to the rise in voting for the far right in Germany…”
  9. The person who may well be the leading candidate for the next president of the Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco is Mary Daly. She says in “Economics is falling behind Stem on diversity” that “the discipline must stop treating women as if they were rare birds…”
  10. Mark Thoma sends us to Michael Strain telling businesses that if they want to hire more and better quality workers, they need to raise wages: “Don’t Fall for Employers’ Whining About a ‘Skills Gap.’” He points out that “wage growth is picking up, but it is lower than what many economists expect in light of overall economic conditions, and it is not soaring for specific industries. Simply put, if businesses can’t find workers… they should raise their wage offers…. So unless wage growth picks up, the warnings about labor shortages will fall flat…”
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The links between stagnating wages and buyer power in U.S. supply chains

People walk in and out of a Walmart store. New research shows the effects of the increased power of large corporate buyers such as Walmart and Amazon on wage stagnation among U.S. workers since the 1970s.

Stagnating wages among U.S. workers since the 1970s is well-documented. Also well-known is the outsized—and still growing—market impact of a small number of giant retailers such as Amazon.com Inc and Walmart Inc. What is less known is whether these two trends are linked.

In research I’ve been conducting—detailed in an article recently published in the American Sociological Review—I’ve found that increased pressure from large corporate buyers decreases wages among their suppliers’ workers. The growing influence of these buyers on workers’ wages is significant enough that it accounts for around 10 percent of wage stagnation since the 1970s. My findings show how shifts in market power have affected workers’ wage growth.

Relative to the postwar economic boom, U.S. workers’ pay growth has slowed by around one-half since the 1970s. During that same period, market restructuring has shifted many workers into workplaces heavily reliant on sales to outside corporate buyers. Large retailers such as Walmart and Amazon wield increasing power against manufacturing suppliers and warehousing and shipping contractors. When this happens, big corporate buyers are able to demand lower prices for the goods and services they are buying, and suppliers and contractors must sell at lower prices and try to cut costs. Likewise, companies increasingly outsource noncore functions, including food service, janitorial, and security jobs, a phenomenon known as the fissured workplace. The result is that more and more workers are employed by intermediate employers, which in turn rely on sales to outside corporate buyers.

Anecdotally, pressure from large corporate buyers seems to affect employment conditions at supplier companies. Farris Fashion, for example, was an apparel manufacturer in Arkansas that produced flannel shirts. In the 1980s, Farris became entirely reliant on sales to a single corporate buyer—Walmart—producing shirts under Walmart’s Ozark Trail label. Walmart continually pressured Farris for lower prices, creating pressure for the manufacturing jobs at Farris’ factory to be persistently poorly paid. In 1990, the textile workers union tried to organize Farris. The company’s owner brought his workers together for a meeting and explained that Walmart’s Sam Walton “wouldn’t buy union goods” so they should “stop messing around with the union,” according to Nelson Lichtenstein, the author of The Retail Revolution: How Wal-Mart Created a Brave New World of Business.

What is going on here? There are a few reasons to expect pressure from large corporate buyers to decrease wages among their suppliers. First, prior research suggests that large buyers can pressure suppliers to accept lower profits. If suppliers pay their workers in part by sharing profits—economic rents, in academic parlance—then increased buyer pressure could reduce wages. Second, unlike a supplier company’s own managers, outside buyers enjoy social distance from their suppliers’ workers. This allows large buyers to ignore the fairness norms and social pressure that directly employed workers can use to increase their pay. As a result, prior research finds that when companies outsource previously in-house services such as janitorial or security workers, these outsourced workers face slower wage growth than do remaining, directly employed workers. Finally, compared to dispersed buyers, the benefits of labor cost-cutting are concentrated among one or a small number of buyers. As Walmart was Farris’ sole customer, it could reap the gains of lower wages at Farris without worrying about competitors immediately getting lower prices too.

Unfortunately, testing these predictions is difficult. Most firm- and worker-level data include no information about relationships between corporate buyers and suppliers. I take advantage of a reporting requirement imposed on publicly traded companies since 1978, which stipulates that a supplier company disclose any sales to buyers that account for 10 percent or more of the supplier’s annual revenue. This disclosure requirement offers a rare opportunity to directly observe supplier reliance on large corporate buyers.

These data on publicly traded companies show that companies in several industries that used to provide middle-income jobs for workers without a college degree—such as manufacturing, warehousing, and transportation—have become more likely to rely on sales to large buyers. In 2014, for example, the average publicly traded manufacturing firm received more than 25 percent of its revenue from large buyers, up from 10 percent in the early 1980s. (See Figure 1.)

Figure 1

Next, I look at what happens to wages at publicly traded supplier companies as they become more reliant on sales to outside buyers. As supplier companies become more reliant on sales to large buyers, suppliers’ workers face more wage pressure. A 10 percent increase in revenue reliance on dominant buyers is associated with suppliers’ wages declining by 1.2 percent. This pattern holds even conditional on controls for firm-level bargaining, productivity changes, and other market determinants of workers’ wages. The longer the buyer-supplier relations last, the more wages fall—consistent with the social distance between outside buyers and suppliers’ workers blunting wage norm effects. I also find that mergers among buyers reduce suppliers’ wages, suggesting it is not “unobserved supplier selection” (such as changes in business strategies by suppliers) that drives wage effects, but rather power exercised by dominant buyers. Indeed, the negative wage effects of reliance on large buyers have been intensifying over time. (See Figure 2.)

Figure 2

Overall, as noted above, the increased power of corporate buyers can account for around 10 percent of wage stagnation among publicly traded companies since the 1970s. These findings imply that understanding wage stagnation requires attention to changing contracting relationships between companies. Wage stagnation is not only a result of inadequate education or skills among individual workers. The organizational context of workers’ jobs—what kind of company and workplace they are employed by—also affects workers’ power to bargain about wages. This organizational context goes beyond immediate, within-organization characteristics—such as a company’s collective bargaining agreements or its ownership structure. Relationships between organizations are also factors in the organizational context that affect workers’ jobs and pay.

The findings in this study suggest that in an era of outsourcing and market concentration, these between-organization relationships are increasingly important for setting workers’ wages—to the overall detriment of workers.

Nathan Wilmers is a doctoral student in sociology at Harvard University and a 2017 Doctoral grantee of the Washington Center for Equitable Growth. In July 2018, he will be starting as an assistant professor at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology’s MIT Sloan School of Management.

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Galbraithian economics: Countervailing power edition

It is John Kenneth Galbraith’s world. We simply live in it.

I have always found it interesting that economists have worked so hard to pretend that we do not live in John Kenneth Galbraith’s world. Harvard University’s Andrei Shleifer once remarked to me that the collapse of Galbraith’s influence—that there were next to no “Galbraithians”—was a very interesting puzzle in the history of economic thought.

But now there are some Galbraithians!

In a new working paper released earlier this month, “Unions and Inequality Over the Twentieth Century: New Evidence from Survey Data,” co-authors Henry S. Farber, Daniel Herbst, and Ilyana Kuziemko at Princeton University and Suresh Naidu at Columbia University write:

U.S. income inequality has varied inversely with union density … But moving beyond this aggregate relationship has proven difficult, in part because of the absence of micro-level data on union membership prior to 1973. We develop a new source of micro-data on union membership, opinion polls primarily from Gallup (N ≈ 980, 000), to look at the effects of unions on inequality from 1936 to the present. First, we present a new time series of household union membership from this period. Second, we use these data to show that, throughout this period, union density is inversely correlated with the relative skill of union members. When density was at its peak in the 1950s and 1960s, union members were relatively less-skilled, whereas today and in the pre-World War II period, union members are equally skilled as non-members. Third, we estimate union household income premiums over this same period, finding that despite large changes in union density and selection, the premium holds steady, at roughly 15–20 log points, over the past eighty years. Finally, we present a number of direct results that, across a variety of identifying assumptions, suggest unions have had a significant, equalizing effect on the income distribution over our long sample period…

And, indeed, I did eventually write up my take on the answer to Shleifer’s question, in a review of Parker’s biography of Galbraith:

If there were justice in the world, John Kenneth Galbraith would rank as the 20th century’s most influential American economist. He has published several books that are among the best analyses of modern U.S. history, played a key role in mid-century policymaking, and advised more presidents and senators than would seem possible in three lifetimes. Yet today, Galbraith’s influence on economics is small, and his influence on U.S. politics is receding by the year. In this lively and thoughtful biography, Parker sets himself the task of explaining Galbraith’s career: why it was so dazzling, and why its long-term impact has turned out to be so much less than expected. The result is not only the story of a smart, witty, and important man, but also a fascinating meditation on the rise and fall of twentieth-century American liberalism.

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Weekend reading: “household insecurity” edition

This is a weekly post we publish on Fridays with links to articles that touch on economic inequality and growth. The first section is a round-up of what Equitable Growth published this week and the second is the work we’re highlighting from elsewhere. We won’t be the first to share these articles, but we hope by taking a look back at the whole week, we can put them in context.

Equitable Growth round-up

Household income in the United States has steadily become more volatile over the past several decades, even among those headed by college-educated people. Nisha Chikhale digs in on what’s behind this rise in household insecurity and its implications for overall economic growth and macroeconomic stability in a new report and accompanying issue brief.

Does raising the U.S. minimum wage have a negative effect on the employment of low-wage workers? In a new Equitable Growth Working Paper, U.S. Census Bureau economists Kevin Rinz and John Voorheis use linked employer-employee data to study this question. They find that increasing the minimum wage increases earnings for those at the bottom of the income ladder without decreasing employment. Read more about the paper’s findings and their implications for policy in the Value Added about the paper by Kate Bahn.

In a new column on the importance of geography for economic mobility, Richard Florida of CityLab and the University of Toronto highlights the newest work on the impact of education on U.S. intergenerational mobility by University of California, Berkeley economist and Equitable Growth grantee Jesse Rothstein.

If this round-up wasn’t enough for you, check out UC-Berkeley economist and Equitablog author Brad DeLong’s round-up of worthy reads on equitable growth from this past week.

Links from around the web

Rules requiring that recipients of social safety net programs, such as Medicaid, housing aid, and Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program work a minimum of 20 hours a week are being drafted and debated as part of current legislation before the U.S. Congress. But what if there are no jobs to work at where you live? Emily Badger and Margot Sanger-Katz write about how proposals to address this issue might only further embed racial and geographic biases about who is “deserving” of the federal social safety net. [the upshot]

The Chicago School has been synomous with the consumer welfare standard in antitrust law for decades. Now a new essay by University of Chicago economist Eric Posner, Microsoft Corp.’s E. Glen Weyl, and Columbia’ University’s Suresh Naidu argue that U.S. antitrust law must consider effects for workers, not just consumers when evaluating proposed mergers. They argue that many labor markets in the United States are concentrated and uncompetitive, or monopsonistic, which suppresses wages and economic growth. [bloomberg]

Despite the low U.S. unemployment rate and complaints from employers about the challenge of finding workers, wage growth remains an anemic 2.5 percent. Compare that to 3.5 percent to 4 percent during both of the last two economic expansions. Evan Horowitz digs into some of the recent debate about explanations for sluggish wage growth. [boston globe]

Matthew Stewart argues that it’s not just the concentration of wealth and privilege among the top 0.01 percent that’s hurting economic mobility in the United States, but also the concentration among the top 9.9 percent, or those with net worths of at least $1.2 million. [the atlantic]

Friday figure

Figure is from “Household insecurity matters for U.S. economic growth and stability,” by Equitable Growth’s Nisha Chikhale.

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Brad DeLong: Worthy reads on equitable growth, May 10-17, 2018

Worthy reads at Equitable Growth:

  1. The awesomely smart and industrious Chye-Ching Huang of the Center for Budget and Policy Priorites praises Greg Leiserson‘s must-read guide to understanding last December’s tax bill. There was space for a growth-promoting corporate tax cut that did not widen income inequality that much. That space was occupied, instead, by something that manages to increase inequality sharply while reducing projected national income—three steps backward for equitable growth.
  2. Increasingly it looks to me like a career-interruption and child-raising penalty are institutions designed to figure out which men are committed to the job and are thus worth paying to keep but are misapplied to women. Alan Greenspan a generation and a half ago saw a market opportunity for his forecasting firm to get more productive workers for the salary dollar. But it looks as though he was and is a substantial exception: Sarah Jane Glynn writes in “Gender wage inequality: What we know and how we can fix it” that “women are still severely limited by gender pay inequality…. Close to half of all currently employed workers (46.7 percent), yet… average earnings of… full time, year round is 80.5 percent of men…”
  3. Nick Bunker provides an excellent tweetstorm on the issues involved in thinking about slack, wage growth, unemployment, and employment. He also mourns for the pre-twitter bite web: “remember blogposts? Those were cool!” It is certainly the case that Twitter has devoted zero—nay, less than zero—effort to building tools for curating tweet call-and-response episodes into anything that Plato would recognize as a dialogue…
  4. The extremely thoughtful Miles Kimball highlights my very brief talk about who the market works for from last fall’s Institute for New Economic Thinking conference in Edinburgh…

Worthy reads not at Equitable Growth:

  1. From the University of Oregon, Mark Thoma‘s Economists’ View continues to be the single best link aggregator in economic policy and theoretical economics: read him, and the things he links to.
  2. If you do not make the Economic Policy Institute one of your trusted information intermediaries, you are doing it wrong. Badly wrong.
  3. Noah Smith sends us to hard but very important truths about why African Americans are so poor relative to their fellow citizens: William Darity plus a team of six more scholars write in “What We Get Wrong About Closing the Racial Wealth Gap” that “a narrative that places theonus of the racial wealth gap on black defectiveness is false in all of its permutations. We challenge the conventional set of claims that are made about the racial wealth gap in the United States. We contend that the cause of the gap must be found in the structural characteristics of the American economy, heavily infused at every point with both an inheritance of racism and the ongoing authority of white supremacy…”
  4. This is true. This makes the sharp slowdown in measured productivity growth since 2007 a great puzzle—and is one important thing making me believe it is a depression-related “hysteresis” phenomenon. Read Jeff Desjardins, “A brief history of technology” in which he writes that “the rate at which newly commercialized technologies get adopted by consumers is also getting faster…. Through increased connectivity, instant communication, and established infrastructure systems, new ideas and products can spread at speeds never seen before—and this enables a new product to get in the hands of consumers in the blink of an eye…”
  5. This is not new, but it is true, and I take it as a sign of hope that this can now be said and attract a mass audience: George Yancy: “The Ugly Truth of Being a Black Professor in America.
  6. An interesting and complex argument from Ben Thompson in The Moat Map: “Aggregators and Platforms….Apple and Microsoft, the two “bicycle of the mind” companies…platforms…. Google and Facebook …products of the Internet…not to platforms but to aggregators …Platforms need 3rd parties….Aggregators attract end users by virtue of their inherent usefulness and, over time, leave suppliers no choice but to follow the aggregators’ dictates….[But] what of companies like Amazon, or Netflix?…Clearly both have very different businesses—and supplier relationships—than either Google and Facebook on one side or Apple and Microsoft on the other, even as they both derive their power from owning the customer relationship….Owning the customer relationship remains critical: that is the critical insight of Aggregation Theory. How that ownership of the customer translates into an enduring moat, though, depends on the interaction of two distinct attributes: supplier differentiation and network effects…”
  7. The states have been serving as laboratories of democracy over the past decade, with Wisconsin and Kansas seeing the greatest policy swerves and serving as the most striking ominous warnings. Read David Cooper‘s report “As Wisconsin’s and Minnesota’s lawmakers took divergent paths, so did their economies: Since 2010, Minnesota’s economy has performed far better for working families than Wisconsin’s,” in which he writes that “even years removed from when each governor took office, there is ample data to assess which state’s economy—and by extension, which set of policies—delivered more for the welfare of its residents. The results could not be more clear: by virtually every available measure, Minnesota’s recovery has outperformed Wisconsin’s…”
  8. With respect to U.S. technological leadership, it may be time to start quoting John Donne: “Ask not for whom the bell tolls…” And remember England, starting a century and a half ago, when reading Dan Wang‘s “How smartphones made Shenzhen China’s innovation capital.” Wang highlights that “companies have invested millions of dollars in figuring out how to make them small, cheap, and light enough to include in smartphones. And most of these chips have proven useful well beyond the smartphone market. As a result, we’re in the midst of a hardware renaissance, in which it’s easier than ever to develop and market new gadgets. The center of this renaissance is Shenzhen…”
  9. The Sisyphean work of getting people to recognize that the Reagan “morning in America” boom was a standard Keynesian reaction to a larger federal deficit in a time of high unemployment continues: Menzie Chinn, in “The Reagan Tax Cuts and Defense Buildup: Supply-Side Miracle or Keynesian Stimulus?” writes that “this set of outcomes does not deny the existence of some supply side effect—the dots in Figure 2 don’t line up exactly on a straight line—but the overall pattern seems to be more consistent with an AD shift from the tax cuts and spending increases (combined with monetary policy relaxation) as opposed to a supply-side scenario as laid out by Wanniski and Laffer…. Bruce Bartlett, who was there at the inception, reminds me of Barry Ritholtz’s review of Reaganomics. See also Bartlett’s piece on the subject…”
  10. Written four years ago, and IMHO not just one of the best things written in 2014 but a true keeper, is something nobody interested in the slippage between maximizing income and maximizing social well-being should fail to read: Steve Randy Waldman‘s 2014 presentation: Welfare economics.
  11. Nearly 60 years ago California made provision for moving into an era of the knowledge-based economy: “A Master Plan for Higher Education in California.”
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Issue Brief: Household insecurity matters for U.S. macroeconomic stability

What is household economic insecurity?

Households are economically insecure when they’re unable to plan for expenses, save or invest for their future economic security, and pay down debts. Household insecurity in the United States can be influenced by differences in income, wealth, credit access, or family structure.

Economists use income volatility as the easiest proxy for household insecurity. Households that experience a gain or drop in income of 25 percent or more from one month to the next or one year to the next can be said to have a volatile income. Large swings in income can make it difficult to plan for expenses, and volatile drops in income increase a household’s likelihood of experiencing insecurity, especially if coupled with low savings (lack of wealth), lack of social insurance, and limited access to credit.

Household income volatility has been increasing for all families, even those with a college-educated head of household. A 2016 Federal Reserve report found that 32 percent of U.S. adults report that their incomes vary from month to month, and 42 percent of those with volatile incomes and/or volatile expenses say that they have “struggled to pay their bills at times because of this volatility.” This insecurity matters, not only for a family’s ability to cope with daily expenses but also has implications for wider economic stability.

What are some drivers of household income volatility and potential buffers?

For low- and middle-income households, income from work is the largest source of total household income. Therefore, changes in labor market conditions that impact families’ incomes have significant implications for their economic security such as:

  • Alternative work arrangements—including temporary work, contracting, on-call work, and freelancing—mean more variable work hours and income, with less access to benefits that can help smooth volatility such as unemployment insurance.
  • Unpredictable work schedules, enabled by “just-in-time” scheduling software, make worker hours and incomes unpredictable and variable, even from week to week.

Savings and access to credit are stopgaps that families can use to fill in the gaps when income is insufficient to meet basic needs such as due to job loss. Specifically:

  • Recent research finds that increasing displaced workers’ credit limit allows individuals to take up to 3 weeks longer to find a job, and when they do find work, they receive higher earnings.
  • Another recent paper shows the significant decline in the wealth share of the bottom 90 percent of American families over the past three decades, which in turn means they have less savings to fall back on in times of high negative volatility.

Social insurance is another buffer against income volatility, especially from job loss and in the absence of savings and credit. Examples include unemployment insurance and the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program.

Why does household insecurity matter for macroeconomic stability?

Household insecurity has implications for how much families decide to consume. Household consumption contributes nearly 70 percent of overall Gross Domestic Product, the largest component of U.S. economic growth. Therefore, maintaining strong consumer demand is important for stable economic growth.

Principles to support household security and macroeconomic stability

Factors that are drivers of household income volatility such as alternative work arrangements are on the rise. Factors that mitigate exposure to risk—such as social insurance programs and family savings—are declining. Therefore, in order to help increase household security and support stable economic growth, we must look for remedies to promote access to stable economic resources and to minimize risk. Some examples of ways to do this include:

  • Policies that ensure workers are guaranteed more stable and predictable work schedules, which can help families to better manage expenses and responsibilities
  • Policies that support strong labor force attachment such as paid family and medical leave
  • Strengthening social insurance programs such as unemployment insurance and SNAP

This brief summarizes the paper “Household insecurity matters for U.S. economic growth and stability” by Nisha Chikhale. The paper lists sources for the research summarized here.

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New research indicates that minimum wage increases appear to benefit all low-income U.S. workers over time

A woman leads a march in favor of a minimum wage of $15 an hour at Seattle-Tacoma International. A new working paper shows that raising the minimum wage appears to benefit all low-income workers over time

Amid concerns about rising economic inequality and stagnant wages in the United States, raising the minimum wage is becoming increasingly common at the state and local level, while calls for raising the federal minimum also grow louder. Though economists find that declining real minimum wages (after accounting for inflation) contribute to increased income inequality, it has not been clear whether raising the minimum wage would produce long-term earnings gains for low-income workers. New research by economists Kevin Rinz and John Voorheis at the U.S. Census Bureau, however, uses high-quality linked employer-employee data to find that minimum wage increases do indeed decrease earnings inequality by increasing earnings for those at the bottom of the income ladder without short- or long-term declines in employment, as Econ 101 would predict.

In order to know whether minimum wage increases are a well-targeted remedy for rising inequality and stagnant wage growth, policymakers need to know how earnings respond to those increases, taking into account potential side effects arising over time such as laying off workers or a decrease in hiring rates so that the overall employment rate of low-wage workers declines. Rinz and Voorheis provide evidence addressing this question in their new Equitable Growth working paper, “The distributional effects of minimum wages: Evidence from linked survey and administrative data.” They confirm that raising the minimum wage decreases income inequality, increases earnings growth, and increases family incomes at the bottom of the distribution, using data and methods similar to those used in recent research by economist Arindrajit Dube at the University of Massachusetts Amherst. But their research extends Dube’s analysis by incorporating an administrative source of earnings data into the analysis, which indicates they are driven by true variation in earnings at the bottom of the income distribution.

In order to examine the impact of minimum wage increases over time—such as whether it would lead to diminished hiring of low-income workers—Rinz and Voorheis consider the effects of minimum wage increases on so-called growth-incidence curves, which measure how the dollar values associated with various percentiles of the earnings distribution change over a given period. Considering effects on growth-incidence curves could reveal whether the initial earnings increases experienced by workers at the bottom of the distribution are reversed over time by increases in the likelihood of their spending time unemployed. What the two researchers find instead is that the lowest percentiles of the earnings distribution grow faster year over year when minimum wages rise. Moreover, the magnitude of this growth effect increases when measuring growth over longer periods, extending up to five years. This suggests that the initial earnings effects of minimum wage increases may become greater over time rather than reverse as time passes.

In order to provide some sense of the magnitude of these effects, the authors applied their five-year estimates of the effects of increases to the minimum wage to a hypothetical 37 percent increase. This number mirrors the magnitude of the minimum wage increase that Seattle enacted between 2013 and 2016, using recent periods of economic expansion and contraction as a baseline. The authors argue that this indicates that such an increase would have made the economic growth of the late 1990s somewhat more progressive, rather than the increasing income inequality that we saw, and would have mitigated some of the worst earnings losses of the Great Recession of 2007–2009.

This new research provides strong evidence-based support for the effectiveness of increasing the minimum wage since Rinz and Voorheis’ working paper is able to more directly assesses how minimum wage increases affect the earnings of the workers most directly affected by them, rather than estimating effects by looking at cross-sections of the population in different time periods. This is done by estimating the effects of minimum wage increases on income mobility profiles of the workers effected by minimum wage increases, which measure how so-called within-person income growth varies across the distribution. Within-person income growth follows an individual’s income growth trajectory over time. The fact that higher minimum wages lead the incomes of workers at the lower end of the income distribution to grow faster suggests that particular low-income workers may see their earnings increase. Percentile values, however, are aggregate outcomes and do not necessarily reflect the experience of specific individuals, so most workers at the low end will experience an increase, but not all will.

With robust findings using two earnings-growth concepts—growth-incidence curves and within-person income— Rinz and Voorheis’ income mobility profile estimates indicate that increasing the minimum wage also leads to faster earnings growth for workers who begin at low percentiles of the income distribution. The estimates are largest at the lowest percentiles and grow in magnitude over time. Given the high average rates of earnings growth experienced by people who begin at the bottom of the distribution, this effect represents a meaningful but modest increase in the rate of earnings growth.

Rinz and Voorheis’ working paper is an important contribution to the minimum wage debate. Their estimates directly examine possible downward pressure on earnings growth that could arise from minimum wage increases such as increased time spent out of work. While they do not delineate which particular mechanisms produce the changes in earnings, they do provide some hints as to which mechanisms may be dominant. This pattern could be consistent with reduced employee turnover at businesses, keeping workers on job ladders within their firms and leading to subsequent promotions. The pattern also could be consistent with firms gradually decompressing their wage distributions—increasing the pay of workers who previously earned close to the minimum wage in order to retain relative earnings structure within the firm—following minimum wage increases.

In sum, this new research uses high-quality administrative data with established methods to improve our understanding of how minimum wage increases affect low-income workers who work in jobs that pay at or near the legally established minimum wage. By looking at the effect on workers over time, they are able to show that increasing the minimum wage does not, as some predict, lead to long-term negative consequences for those workers who are affected. This suggests that a higher minimum wage is a useful policy tool to counter rising earnings inequality, especially for those at the low end of the distribution.

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The extremely intelligent Martin Wolf reviews Maria Mazzucato. I blush to say that her book is still in the pile—I have not read it yet: Martin Wolf: Who creates a nation’s economic value?

The extremely intelligent Martin Wolf reviews Maria Mazzucato. I blush to say that her book is still in THE PILE—I have not read it yet: Martin Wolf: Who creates a nation’s economic value?: “Who creates value? Who extracts value? Who destroys value?…

…If we mistake those who do the second or third for those who do the first, or mistake those who do the first for those who do the second or third, we will end up with impoverished and unhappy societies, in which plunderers rule. Many advanced western countries, in particular the US and Britain, have already reached that state, according to Mariana Mazzucato. The consequences of this, including soaring inequality and declining growth are already visible, argues the author…. An obvious example is the way the financial sector generated a huge increase in household debt in the years leading to the financial crisis of 2007-09. This funded zero-sum competition to buy the existing housing stock at soaring prices. Its legacy included a huge crisis, a debt overhang, weak growth and political disenchantment. Yet, for those who created, manipulated and sold this debt, it was a gold mine. This represented value extraction and destruction…. Much the same picture can be seen in asset management, with its excessive trading, exorbitant fees, lack of transparency, poor stewardship and conflicts of interest. This financial sector, together with the “shareholder value maximisation” that economists have promoted, has had a malign effect on the corporate sector as a whole, argues Mazzucato….

That it is hard to see much wider economic benefit from the massive increase in the relative size and influence of finance over the past half century seems self-evident…. If this is success, what might failure look like?…

Mazzucato also attacks… information technology and pharmaceuticals… the award of overly generous or simply unjustifiable rights to intellectual property….

A fundamental thesis… is that mistaking value extraction for value creation, and vice versa, has its roots in the errors of economists…. In Mazzucato’s view the evident failings of our economies are a consequence of our inability to distinguish among activities that create, redistribute and destroy value…. What I would have liked to see far more of, however, is a probing investigation of when and how governments add value. The US government, for example, has played an extraordinary role in innovation….

The book has three significant strengths. First, Mazzucato pushes us to get away from the simplistic creed that markets are always good and governments always bad. Second, she offers the Left a positive goal of prosperity-inducing innovation rather than a sterile and ultimately destructive politics of resentment and redistribution. Finally, she forces us to ask ourselves what adds value to society and how to create an economic and social order that promotes that. The book itself adds value by forcing us to confront these points.

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