Must-Read: German Gutierrez and Thomas Philippon: Investment-less growth: An empirical investigation

Must-Read: German Gutierrez and Thomas Philippon: Investment-less growth: An empirical investigation: “Business investment remains low despite high profits, low funding costs, and high asset values… https://www.brookings.edu/bpea-articles/investment-less-growth-an-empirical-investigation/

…which economists refer to as “high Tobin’s Q.”… The authors test eight alternative theories…. About a third of the decline in measured investment can be explained by a shift towards intangible assets. Among the remaining theories… only decreased competition (if firms don’t need to invest in new equipment or strategies to stay competitive, why would they?), tightened governance and, potentially, increased short-termist pressures help explain the phenomenon…. Changes in competition and governance seem partly explained by changes in policy (regulations, anti-trust) and in asset management (activism, indexing, and pressure for shares buyback programs)…

Should-Read: Olivier Coibion, Yuriy Gorodnichenko, and Mauricio Ulate: The US economy is not yet back to its potential

Should-Read: Olivier Coibion, Yuriy Gorodnichenko, and Mauricio Ulate: The US economy is not yet back to its potential: “Estimates of potential output around the world have been systematically revised downward since the Great Recession… http://voxeu.org/article/us-economy-not-yet-back-its-potential

…The methods used to create these estimates do not distinguish between transitory and permanent shocks, or demand and supply shocks. Taking these differences into account suggests US output is almost 10 percentage points below potential output. This has important immediate implications for policymakers, and raises questions for those who estimate potential output…

Must-Read: Cardiff Garcia: Brainard’s framing challenge

Must-Read: If another significant contractionary macroeconomic shock were to hit in the next two years, we would be totally s—-ed. The Fed doesn’t have enough maneuvering room, and only an idiot would think that this President and this Congress would step up and do the job. It is vitally important that the Red now be taking steps so that we would not be totally s—ed if significant contractionary macroeconomic shock were to hit in years three to five. But for that to be the case her colleagues would have to listen to Lael. And there is no sign that they are willing to do so:

Cardiff Garcia: Brainard’s framing challenge: “Tim Duy has the right response to Lael Brainard’s speech today… https://ftalphaville.ft.com/2017/09/05/2193262/brainards-framing-challenge/

…Despite the Fed governor’s persuasive attempt, she’ll find it harder to push the Fed in a more dovish direction than she did at the end of 2015…. The primary issue… is that wage growth has remained subdued and price inflation has trended down…. For too long the Fed persisted in thinking that the inflation slowdown was caused by idiosyncratic factors. One of Brainard’s points is that this belief is increasingly hard to justify…. As to the implications for monetary policy, she writes….

Some might determine that preemptive tightening is appropriate…. However… the Phillips curve appears to be flatter today…. It could take a considerable undershooting of the natural rate of unemployment to achieve our inflation objective if we were to rely on resource utilization alone…. To the extent that the neutral rate remains low relative to its historical value, there is a high premium on guiding inflation back up to target so as to retain space to buffer adverse shocks with conventional policy…. It is important to be clear that we would be comfortable with inflation moving modestly above our target for a time….

Must-Read: Chang-Tai Hsieh and Enrico Moretti: How Local Housing Regulations Smother the U.S. Economy

Must-Read: I could wish for a little more attention to the on-the-ground dynamics of local political economy. In California, it was the right-wing anti-property tax revolt (yes, I’m looking at you, Proposition 13, Jarvis, and Gann) that shifted local governments from being broadly pro-development to regarding developments as burdens that required more in services than they would pay in property taxes In New York (and, to a much lesser extent, Boston), it is an unwillingness to invest sufficiently in transportation infrastructure(yes, I’m looking at you, Chris Christie).

When I do Nimbyism in America: A Back-of-the-Envelope Finger-Exercise Calculation http://www.bradford-delong.com/2016/08/nimbyism-in-america-a-back-of-the-envelope-finger-exercise-calculation.html quick-and-dirty for introductory economics students, I start with this slide:

6a00e551f08003883401b8d21071e9970c pi 720×540

Thus there seem to me to be two problems: a NIMBY problem that afflicts Washington, Boston, and—overwhelmingly—San Francisco, and an infrastructure problem that afflicts New York, Boston, Washington, Chicago, and Philadelphia.

I should rerun the fit line excluding New York, shouldn’t I…

Chang-Tai Hsieh and Enrico Moretti: How Local Housing Regulations Smother the U.S. Economy: “For most of the 20th century, workers moved to areas where new industries and opportunities were emerging… https://www.nytimes.com/2017/09/06/opinion/housing-regulations-us-economy.html

…This was the locomotive behind American prosperity. Agricultural workers moved from the countryside to booming cities like Pittsburgh and Detroit. In the Great Migration, some six million African-Americans left the South for manufacturing jobs in cities like Chicago and Buffalo. What allowed this relocation to places with good-paying jobs that lifted the standard of living for families? Affordable housing.

Today, this locomotive of prosperity has broken down. Finance and high-tech companies in cities like New York, Boston, Seattle and San Francisco find it difficult to hire because of the high cost of housing. When an unemployed worker in Detroit today finds a well-paying job in San Francisco, she often cannot afford the cost of housing there.

New housing construction in America’s most dynamic cities faces growing regulatory costs, delays and enormous opposition from neighboring homeowners. Since the 1970s, a property-rights revolution — what critics call Nimbyism, from “not in my back yard” — has significantly reduced the development of new housing stock, especially in cities where the economy is strongest…

Must- and Should-Reads: September 17, 2017


Interesting Reads:

Should-See: Etsy NY: Winning Change for Women and Families: An Evening with Heather Boushey

Should-See: Etsy NY: Winning Change for Women and Families: An Evening with Heather Boushey: “Tue, September 12, 2017, 6:00 PM – 8:00 PM EDT… https://www.eventbrite.com/e/winning-change-for-women-and-families-an-evening-with-heather-boushey-tickets-36910118157

… Heather will be interviewed by PL+US Executive Director Katie Bethell. Katie is a 15-year veteran of grassroots social change campaigning. With PL+US, Katie and her team are bringing state-of-the-art communications and mobilization strategy to the fight for paid family and medical leave in the U.S…

Supply-Side Amnesia

Project Syndicate: Supply-Side Amnesia: While in the White House, Feldstein waged a persuasive but lonely bureaucratic campaign against the Reagan administration’s 1981 income-tax cuts, arguing that they had been too big, and would prove economically painful if not corrected…. If Feldstein’s warning had been heeded in 1982-84, America would be stronger and happier today. I was thus dismayed at his recent expression of optimism that under today’s Republican-led Congress, “a tax reform serving to increase capital formation and growth will be enacted,” while arguing that “any resulting increase in the budget deficit will be only temporary”… Read MOAR at Project Syndicate

Should-Read: David Glasner: In the General Theory Keynes First Trashed and then Restated the Fisher Equation

Should-Read: In which David Glasner argues that John Maynard Keynes passed up a very valuable opportunity to preach about the disequilibrium foundations of equilibrium economics. But perhaps he thought that he had already made the point at great enough length before?:

The error often made by careless adherents of the Quantity Theory… is as follows:

Everyone admits that the habits of the public… and the practices of banks… change from time to time as a result of obvious developments…. The Theory has often been expounded on the further assumption that a mere change in the quantity of the currency cannot affect k, r, and k’…. It would follow from this that an arbitrary doubling of n… must have the effect of raising p to double what it would have been otherwise. The Quantity Theory is often stated in this, or a similar, form.

Now “in the long run” this is probably true. If, after the American Civl War, the American dollar had been… defined… 10 per cent below its present value, it would be safe to assume that n and p would now be just 10 per cent greater than they actually are and that the present value of k, r, and k’ would be entirely unaffected. But this long run is a misleading guide to current affairs. In the long run we are all dead. Economists set themselves too easy, too useless a task if in tempestuous seasons they can only tell us that when the storm is long past the ocean is flat again. In actual experience, a change in n is liable to have a reaction both on k and k’ and on r…

David Glasner: In the General Theory Keynes First Trashed and then Restated the Fisher Equation: “I will not offer a detailed explanation here of the basis on which Keynes criticized the Fisher equation in the General Theoryhttps://uneasymoney.com/2017/09/05/in-the-general-theory-keynes-first-trashed-and-then-restated-the-fisher-equation/

…despite having applied the same idea in the Tract on Monetary Reform and restating the same underlying idea some 80 pages later in the General Theory itself.

But the basic point is simply this: the seeming contradiction can be rationalized by distinguishing between the Fisher equation as a proposition about a static equilibrium relationship and the Fisher equation as a proposition about the actual adjustment process occasioned by a parametric expectational change. While Keynes clearly did accept the Fisher equation in an equilibrium setting, he did not believe the real interest rate to be uniquely determined by real forces and so he didn’t accept its the invariance of the real interest rate with respect to changes in expected inflation in the Fisher equation.

Nevertheless it is stunning that Keynes could have committed such a blatant, if only superficial, self-contradiction without remarking upon it.

The fact that Keynes makes his point about real-world dynamic behavior versus static equilibrium in the “long run” passage makes the misinterpretations—what have to, at this stage, be deliberate misinterpretations—of Keynes’s long run we are all dead even more annoying to me. For example, let me trash Niall Ferguson again for his:

Asked to comment on Keynes’ famous observation “In the long run we are all dead,” I suggested that Keynes was perhaps indifferent to the long run because he had no children, and that he had no children because he was gay…

But Keynes was not indifferent to the long run. The point of in the long run we are all dead is not carpe diem, it is that long-run equilibrium properties are not a good guide to what is actually going on in the here-and-now: in the here-and-now we are not dead, even though “long run analysis” says that we are.

But I have written about this before. Might as well put it far below the fold here:


2013: Niall Ferguson Is Wrong to Say That He Is Doubly Stupid: Why Did Keynes Write “In the Long Run We Are All Dead”? Weblogging http://delong.typepad.com/sdj/2013/05/niall-ferguson-is-wrong-to-say-that-he-is-doubly-stupid-why-did-keynes-write-in-the-long-run-we-are-all-dead-weblogging.html: “Niall Ferguson:

An Open Letter to the Harvard Community: Last week I said something stupid about John Maynard Keynes.  Asked to comment on Keynes’ famous observation “In the long run we are all dead,” I suggested that Keynes was perhaps indifferent to the long run because he had no children, and that he had no children because he was gay. This was doubly stupid. First, it is obvious that people who do not have children also care about future generations. Second, I had forgotten that Keynes’ wife Lydia miscarried…

Niall is wrong. His suggestion was not doubly stupid. There is more.

Niall speaks of Keynes’s “In the long run we are all dead” as if it is a carpe diem argument—a “seize the day” argument, analogous to Marvell’s “To His Coy Mistress” or Herrick’s “To the Virgins”—and Ferguson sees his task as that of explaining why Keynes adopted this be-a-grasshopper-not-an-ant “party like we’re gonna die young!” form of economics, or perhaps form of morality.

But that is not it at all.

Go to Keynes’s Tract on Monetary Reform.

Read pages 80-82, so you see the “in the long run we are all dead” quote in context.

It is not part of any carpe diem argument. Two sentences earlier we find:

If, after the American Civil War, that American dollar had been stabilized and defined by law at 10 per cent below its present value, it would be safe to assume that n and p would now be just 10 per cent greater than they actually are and that the present values of k, r, and k’ would be entirely unaffected…

Six sentences earlier we find:

The [Quantity] Theory [of Money] has often been expounded on the further assumption that a mere change in the quantity of the currency cannot affect k, r, and k’,—that is to say, in mathematical parlance, that n is an independent variable in relation to these quantities…

Two sentences later we find:

In actual experience, a change in n is liable to have a reaction both on k and k’ and on r…

And six sentences later we find:

There was a decided tendency on the part of these banks between 1900 and 1914 to bottle up gold when it flowed towards them and to part with it reluctantly when the tide was flowing the other way.

Keynes is discussing not how to “seize the day” for pleasure. Keynes is discussing how to use the quantity theory of money as an analytical tool.

What he is saying is that you cannot assume that you can analyze the consequences of an altered time path of the quantity of cash in the economy—n, in Keynes’s notation—without considering whether the public’s demand for real cash balances k, the public’s demand for real checking-account balances k’, and banks’ desired reserves-to-deposits ratio r will also change.

This is a principle that today’s economists call the “Lucas Critique”. (No, it is not clear to me why they do not call it the “Keynes Critique.)

And this critique is correct: assume that those three other variables are not themselves altered when you consider an altered path for the money stock is, as Keynes says in the sentence after “in the long run…”, for economists to set themselves too easy a task—it sweeps all the problems of analysis under the rug—and too useless a task—it generates predictions that are simply wrong.

In this extended discussion of how to use the quantity theory of money, the sentence “In the long run we are all dead” performs an important rhetorical role. It wakes up the reader, and gets him or her to reset an attention that may well be flagging. But it has absolutely nothing to do with attitudes toward the future, or with rates of time discount, or with a heedless pursuit of present pleasure.

So why do people think it does?

Note that we are speaking not just of Ferguson here, but of Mankiw and Hayek and Schumpeter and Himmelfarb and Peter Drucker and McCraw and even Heilbronner—along with many others.

I blame it on Hayek and Schumpeter. They appear to be the wellsprings.

Hayek is simply a bad actor—knowingly dishonest. In what Nicholas Wapshott delicately calls “misappropriation”, Hayek does not just quote “In the long run we are all dead” out of context but gives it a false context he makes up:

Are we not even told that, since ‘in the long run we are all dead’, policy should be guided entirely by short run considerations? I fear that these believers in the principle of apres nous le déluge may get what they have bargained for sooner than they wish.

And Hayek’s bad-faith writing yielded a lot of fruit: cf. Himmelfarb:

Something of the “soul” of Bloomsbury penetrated even into Keynes’s economic theories. There is a discernible affinity between the Bloomsbury ethos, which put a premium on immediate and present satisfactions, and Keynesian economics, which is based entirely on the short run and precludes any long-term judgments. (Keynes’s famous remark. “In the long run we are all dead,” also has an obvious connection with his homosexuality-what Schumpeter delicately referred to as his “childless vision.”)

The same ethos is reflected in the Keynesian doctrine that consumption rather than saving is the source of economic growth-indeed, that thrift is economically and socially harmful. In The Economic Consequences of the Peace, written long before The General Theory, Keynes ridiculed the “virtue” of saving. The capitalists, he said, deluded the working classes into thinking that their interests were best served by saving rather than consuming. This delusion was part of the age-old Puritan fallacy:

The duty of “saving” became nine-tenths of virtue and the growth of the cake the object of true religion. There grew round the non-consumption of the cake all those instincts of puritanism which in other ages has withdrawn itself from the world and has neglected the arts of production as well as those of enjoyment. And so the cake increased; but to what end was not clearly contemplated. Individuals would be exhorted not so much to abstain as to defer, and to cultivate the pleasures of security and anticipation. Saving was for old age or for your children; but this was only in theory-the virtue of the cake was that it was never to be consumed, neither by you nor by your children after you…

Never mind that Himmelfarb cuts off her quote from Keynes just before Keynes writes that he approves of this Puritan fallacy—that he is not, as Himmelfarb claims, ridiculing it, but rather praising it:

In the unconscious recesses of its being Society knew what it was about. The cake was really very small in proportion to the appetites of consumption, and no one, if it were shared all round, would be much the better off by the cutting of it. Society was working not for the small pleasures of today but for the future security and improvement of the race,—in fact for “progress.” If only the cake were not cut but was allowed to grow in the geometrical proportion predicted by Malthus of population, but not less true of compound interest, perhaps a day might come when there would at last be enough to go round, and when posterity could enter into the enjoyment of our labors…

So if you do read Himmelfarb, do so with great caution: this is a strange woman indeed[1].

As for Schumpeter, in Schumpeter’s Keynes obituary Schumpeter is working as hard as he can to try to minimize Keynes’s global influence:

[England’s] social fabric had been weakened and had become rigid. Her taxes and wage rates were incompatible with vigorous development, yet there was nothing that could be done about it. Keynes was not… in the habit of bemoaning what could not be changed… not the sort of man who would bend the full force of his mind to the individual problems of coal, textiles, steel, shipbuilding….

He was the English intellectual, a little deracine and beholding a most uncomfortable situation. He was childless and his philosophy of life was essentially a short-run philosophy. So he turned resolutely to the only “parameter of action” that seemed left… monetary management. Perhaps he thought that it might heal. He knew for certain that it would sooth—and that return to a gold system at pre-war parity was more than his England could stand. If only people could be made to understand this, they would also understand that practical Keynesianism is a seedling which cannot be transplanted into foreign soil: it dies there and becomes poisonous bfore it dies.

[“Childless”] is a truly classless move, given Keynes’s wife Lydia Lopokova’s two miscarriages—the best we can hope for Schumpeter is that his self-absorption in the 1920s, 1930s, and 1940s had kept him from ever learning about them.

There was when I was an undergraduate an oral tradition that Schumpeter’s “childless” was a sotto voce synonym for “homosexual”—I presume Himmelfarb picked that up from similar sources to those I heard it from.

But Schumpeter, at least, does not cite “In the long run we are all dead” as evidence for the proposition that Keynes’s “philosophy of life was essentially a short-run philosophy”. Instead, he simply asserts that Keynes’s “philosophy of life was essentially a short-run philosophy”.

Is there any evidence that Keynes’s “philosophy of life was essentially a short-run philosophy” that unjustly neglected the long run?

Keynes would have denied it: Keynes would have said that he gave proper balance to the short run and the long run. But, he would have added, it is also the case—as Skidelsky quotes him in The Economist as Saviour—that:

Burke ever held, and held rightly, that it can seldom be right… to sacrifice a present benefit for a doubtful advantage in the future…. It is not wise to look too far ahead; our powers of prediction are slight, our command over results infinitesimal. It is therefore the happiness of our own contemporaries that is our main concern; we should be very chary of sacrificing large numbers of people for the sake of a contingent end, however advantageous that may appear…. We can never know enough to make the chance worth taking…

So here we have it: not Herrick or Marvell or decadent Bloomsbury. Instead, Edmund Burke. Not a heedless disregard for the future, but a sober acknowledgement of the limited power of the brains of jumped-up East African Plains Apes like us to even see the long-run, and a plea not to sacrifice those currently alive to the Dreadful Moloch of Utopian Fantasies of the Future.

Schumpeter has, I think, considerable explaining to do.

As does Hayek.

As does Himmelfarb.

The rest—the Fergusons and the McCraws and the Druckers and the Heilbronners and company? At the very least, they need to explain why they didn’t check their “In the long run we are all dead” quotes against the context, and why doing so did not then lead them to have an Inigo Montoya moment as they said: “wait a minute—this doesn’t mean what I thought it meant”.


[1] Himmelfarb, writing in 1960:

The familiar racist sentiments of Buchan, Kipling, even Conrad, were a reflection of a common attitude. They were descriptive, not prescriptive; not an incitement to novel political action, but an attempt to express differences of culture and colour in terms that had been unquestioned for generations.

To-day, when differences of race have attained the status of problems—and tragic problems—writers with the best of motives and finest of sensibilities must often take refuge in evasion and subterfuge. Neutral, scientific words replace the old charged ones, and then, because even the neutral ones—”Negro” in place of “nigger”—give offense, in testifying to differences that men of goodwill would prefer forgotten, disingenuous euphemisms are invented—”non-white” in place of “Negro”.

It is at this stage that one may find a virtue of sorts in Buchan: the virtue of candor, which has both an aesthetic and an ethical appeal…

That somebody could—in 1960—write of how “to-day… differences of race have attained the status of problems—and tragic problems” as opposed to 1920, when presumably differences of race were not problems? Feh!…

Cf., also: http://delong.typepad.com/sdj/2013/05/saying-more-than-when-the-storm-is-long-past-the-ocean-is-flat.html

Pay transparency is good for employees but can also benefit businesses

People fill out job applications at a job fair.

The Trump administration announced this past week that it is halting the implementation of an Obama-era rule that would have required U.S. employers with 100 or more employees to report salary and hours worked according to race, ethnicity, and gender across several job categories. The rule, slated to take effect in March 2018, would have improved the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission’s ability to investigate and address pay discrimination. This reversal serves as a substantial setback to efforts to address gender- and race-based pay gaps, and happens despite growing evidence showing that pay transparency not only reduces harmful pay disparities but also improves employee satisfaction and productivity.

Women and people of color continue to earn less than white men. While factors such as hours worked, occupation, and union status explain some of the pay gap, research shows that discrimination continues to play an important role. Work by Cornell University’s Francine Blau and Lawrence Kahn, for example, finds that 38 percent of the gender wage gap remains unexplained, which the authors suggest is due to discrimination.

If you are being discriminated against in terms of pay, how do you know? The problem is that a lot of times you don’t. Pay secrecy is common in the United States, and about half of all workers—and 60 percent of private-sector workers—report that they are banned, either informally or formally, from discussing pay with their colleagues. Prohibiting your employees from discussing pay is technically illegal under the National Labor Relations Act, with some states being even more explicit in protecting the rights of workers to discuss their pay, but it is rarely enforced.

These laws also exclude supervisors and managers. So, if Lilly Ledbetter—a manager at Goodyear Tire and Rubber Company, who found out that she was being underpaid through an anonymous note—had instead obtained this information through discussions with her colleagues, she could have been legally fired.

Even if bans on pay secrecy were better enforced, it doesn’t change the still fairly common taboo about discussing pay with your colleagues. One report found that an overwhelming number of workers aren’t comfortable disclosing what they earn to their colleagues, even in the absence of a policy deterring them from doing so. That’s why pay transparency is so important—it enhances worker bargaining power without requiring that they personally solicit salary information from their colleagues. Research by University of Washington’s Jake Rosenfeld and Patrick Denice shows that workers who have access to organizational financial information earn more than those who do not. Other work by Princeton economist Alexandre Mas finds that the pay of California public employees was compressed by 8 percent following the publication of pay data online, which may be due in part to the elimination of pay differences that were hard to rationalize.

Pay transparency benefits employers as well. For one, it can reduce worker distrust and boost productivity. Research shows that knowing your colleagues’ salaries can help employees collaborate more productively and also work harder overall. Pay secrecy, in contrast, leads to more disengagement and decreased performance and may “ultimately do more harm to individual task performance […] than good,” according to Elena Gitter (neé Belogolovsky) of Cornell and Peter Bamberger of Tel Aviv University.

The updated EE0-1 reporting requirements that were scuttled this past week by the Trump administration would not have required full transparency. And the data that would have been collected would not have been made available to employees. The aim was to help the EEOC target individual employers and industries or regions with sizeable pay disparities. The rule, however, would have been an important first step in a long effort to compel companies to keep track of this kind of information and, ideally, to make it available to their workers. Because, as the evidence shows, shining a light on pay disparities not only can help eliminate them, but can also be a boon for company productivity.

The Kansas Republican Governance Experiment. Or Is That “Governance ‘Experiment'”? Or Is That “‘Governance’ Experiment”?

Just look at this:

All Employees Total Nonfarm in Kansas FRED St Louis Fed

Kansas is—in some strong sense—unbelievably loony.

No sooner does Sam Brownback manage to plant his behind in the Governor’s chair in Topeka, KS than does Kansas’s share of American nonfarm jobs and people start to drop like a stone. It is not so much absolute net flight—there were 1.397 million nonfarm jobs in Kansas at the last business cycle peak in April 2008; there are 1.400 million nonfarm jobs in Kansas today. But Kansas has seen none of the country’s net employment growth over the past decade: the jobs it lost in the 2007-2009 recession it has barely recovered, while the country has recovered what was lost and has added on almost as many more in addition.

There is no sense in which the share of U.S. nonfarm employment in Kansas was in any sort of long-run decline: the employment share was strongly up at the start of the 1990s, flat in the mid-1990s, up and down into the 2000s, down in the mid-2000s, up again in the late 2000s. But since Brownback took the chair over from Kathleen Sibelius and Mark Parkinson, it has been down, down, down, down. A fall of 6%-points in the relative share of employment in little more than six short years is astonishing in its rapidity.

Nothing like this was seen before. Yes, Kansas’s share of U.S. nonfarm employment shrank from 1995-2003 under Republican Governor Graves, but there ups as well as downs—and the net shift was strong. Yes, Kansas’s share of nonfarm employment grew under both Graves’s Democratic predecessor Finney and his successors Sibelius and Parkinson—but there were downs as well as ups. It is only under Brownback that it has been down, down, down, down. You can argue how much of it is hostility to immigrants and strangers. How much of it is the profoundly un-Christian cast of a “Christian” government, and how much of it is the collapse of public services. But it has been effective.

My friend Dan Davies says that the best proof that there is a skill and art of management comes from the fact that nobody doubts that there is such a thing as gross mismanagement. Similarly, the best proof that there is such a thing as good technocratic government leading to shared prosperity and equitable growth is… Brownback, and his acolytes and supporters, in Kansas:

All Employees Total Nonfarm in Kansas FRED St Louis Fed

You can’t blame this on farm or oil or natural gas booms or busts. You can’t blame this on “globalization” or whatever. It is what it is.

The Kansas City Star sums it up:

Kansas City Star: Kansas will spend years paying for Gov. Sam Brownback’s policies: “Look back at what the governor’s conservative economic policies will cost taxpayers for years to come… http://www.kansascity.com/opinion/editorials/article164297657.html

…Brownback leaves a financial train wreck in his wake. From the state’s drained highway fund to its beleaguered pension system for state workers, Kansas taxpayers now have a lot of fiscal ground to make up. In fact, the total reaches into the billions. Our advice to taxpayers: Grab a shovel and start digging. Escaping from this fiscal mess is going to take a lot of work—and possibly still more tax increases, as we’ve pointed out. “For a small Midwestern state, it’s a massive hole,” said Senate Minority Leader Anthony Hensley, a Topeka Democrat. “And it’s going to take years to recover.” At this point, there’s no excuse for anybody to be surprised….

On the day in 2012 when Brownback signed the tax-cut bill, critics were already forecasting fiscal doomsday. The measure slashed state income taxes by roughly $3.7 billion over five years. State financial analysts were predicting budget deficits totaling $2.5 billion in 2018. Undaunted, Brownback insisted that the improved business climate would benefit all. “We’re going to move this forward and make it work and take care of our fundamental services,” Brownback said that day….

Since Brownback’s first year in office, the state has raided various funds or delayed payments to the tune of $3.1 billion… $2.5 billion in payments to the state highway fund… diverted… delayed payments totaling more than $407 million from the employee retirement system…. Economic development programs were raided to the tune of $125 million. About $47 million intended for children’s programs was diverted… borrowed $1 billion and deposited it into the retirement account for needed stability. That money will have to be repaid, and so will the $407 million to make pension payments. Likewise, we’ll never know what was lost in terms of progress for kids via those early childhood programs. Years from now, taxpayers will still be footing the Brownback bill…


Bill Gale: The Kansas tax cut experiment: “Aimed to boost the Kansas economy… https://www.brookings.edu/blog/unpacked/2017/07/11/the-kansas-tax-cut-experiment/amp/

…[it] led to sluggish growth, lower than expected revenues, and brutal cuts to government programs…. One of the cleanest experiments for measuring the effects of tax cuts on economic growth in the U.S., were eventually reversed by a Republican-controlled legislature as a failure…. [Do] not… expect tax cuts to boost the economy much, if at all…. The tax reform discussion should include what it is that citizens are getting from the taxes they pay…


Paul Krugman: We’re Not Even In Kansas Anymore/span>: “Will the end of the Kansas tax-cut experiment… https://mobile.nytimes.com/blogs/krugman/2017/06/12/were-not-even-in-kansas-anymore/?referer=

…hey, that’s what Brownback himself called it, although he refused to accept the crystal-clear results of that experiment—mark a turning point in U.S. politics?… I have my doubts…. There was an idea, a theory, behind the Kansas tax cuts: the claim that cutting taxes on the wealthy would produce explosive economic growth. It was a foolish theory…. But still, it was a theory, and eventually the theory’s failure was too much even for Republican legislators. Now consider the AHCA, aka Trumpcare…. What’s the theory behind their proposed replacement?… Wat we’re seeing now is so bad, so cynical, that it makes the Kansas experiment looks like a model of idealism and honesty by comparison. I don’t think we’re in Kansas anymore. We’re now in someplace much, much worse…


Greg Leiserson: It’s no surprise that the Kansas tax cut experiment failed to create jobs: “If federal policymakers are looking for a supply-side tax reform that would create jobs… https://equitablegrowth.org/research-analysis/its-no-surprise-that-the-kansas-tax-cut-experiment-failed-to-create-jobs/

…then they could expand the Earned Income Tax Credit… for low-income families, particularly workers without dependent children…. A substantial academic literature finds that the EITC boosts labor supply, creating jobs…. Even an unprecedentedly large expansion of the EITC could be accomplished for a fraction of the cost of President Trump’s high-income and business tax cuts…


Yael Abouhalkah: Good riddance to Sam Brownback, a disaster as Kansas governor: “Kansas soon will lose its disastrous, unpopular governor… http://yaelabouhalkah.com/2017/07/good-riddance-to-sam-brownback-a-disaster-as-kansas-governor/

…His critics on Wednesday quickly pointed out the governor’s tremendous failures, while his supporters gave some outright loony reasons for saying he’d done great things. Brownback’s reckless income tax cuts starting in 2013 almost bankrupted the state, damaged funding for roads and education, and made Kansas into a laughingstock across the nation. For good reasons, Kansans made Brownback one of the most unpopular governors in America in a few polls…. It will take years to rebuild the institutions that Sam Brownback badly damaged as governor. Good riddance to him…


David Atkins: Austerity Fever Breaks in Kansas, Rebuking the Conservative Cult: “When Oklahomans cut taxes so deeply that they can’t afford to run their own schools more than four days a week…

…that’s not an act of prejudice, or a wistful vote to bring back the factories, or an angry yawp to punish rich coastal elites. That’s an act of political blood sacrifice…. So it’s heartening in a way to see that Kansas, which has long been ground zero for the most extreme version of tax-cut orthodoxy in America and has suffered mightily for it, is finally coming to its senses somewhat…. Not that there isn’t resistance from the true believers:

Dan Cox… said that Brownback’s defeat did not augur more victories for Republicans pursuing more moderate economic policies. He said Republican policymakers and their advisers around the country are likely to view the example of Kansas as a failure of implementation, rather than one of principle, and they will argue that Kansas’s experiment would have succeeded had the legislature reduced spending even more. Moreover, Cox said, the business lobby remains more influential in the party than those who support centrist or populist points of view…


Wall Street Journal: Brownback’s Tax Lesson: “After surviving a liberal blitzkrieg, re-elected Kansas Governor Sam Brownback is now getting whipsawed for scaling back his tax cuts… https://www.wsj.com/articles/brownbacks-tax-lesson-1422576747

…Income tax receipts have fallen short of the state projections from last summer, turning a $380 million budget reserve into a two-year $700 million hole. Liberals claim the shortfall is proof that tax reform is a sham, but Mr. Brownback never claimed his plan would be instant Miracle Gro for public coffers…. The Governor’s major blunder was assuming that reduced revenues would induce lawmakers to scale back entitlements…. As Steve Moore describes nearby, Republican governors across the country are still making tax cuts a priority, despite the claims by some of our liberal friends that Mr. Brownback’s travails have shut them down. The difference is that some of them are moving more cautiously than they might if the economy were growing faster and revenues were rising. The real moral of Mr. Brownback’s unfortunate story is that lower tax rates are hard to sustain without either faster economic growth or restraints on government…


Wall Street Journal: Review & Outlook: What’s Right With Kansas: “Governor Brownback calls the bluff of GOP tax-cut opponents… https://www.wsj.com/articles/SB10001424052702304070304577394340998558490

…Mr. Brownback has made pro-growth tax reform his highest priority…. Mr. Brownback says the income tax cut will put Kansas “on a road to faster growth.”… Low tax rates aren’t the only policy needed for growth, and Kansas would be better off had Senate Republicans agreed to reduce loopholes while cutting rates. But the tax cut will force state politicians to restrain spending, and above all it sends a signal to businesses and taxpayers that Kansas wants more of both…


Steve Forbes, Larry Kudlow, Arthur Laffer, and Stephen Moore: Why Are Republicans Making Tax Reform So Hard?: “President Trump and the Republicans need a legislative victory… https://www.nytimes.com/2017/04/19/opinion/why-are-republicans-making-tax-reform-so-hard.html?_r=2

…Tax reform probably should have gone first, but now is the time to move it forward with urgency…. Cut the federal corporate and small-business highest tax rate to 15 percent from 35 percent…. Allow businesses to immediately deduct the full cost of their capital purchases…. Impose a low tax on the repatriation of foreign profits brought back to the United States…. President Trump and Paul Ryan, the speaker of the House, should stop insisting on “revenue neutrality.” In the short term, the bill will add to the deficit…


Eric Levitz: The Republican Party Must Answer for What It Did to Kansas and Louisiana: “Over the course of 12 debates, the Republican presidential candidates were never asked to address the budget problems in Kansas… http://nymag.com/daily/intelligencer/2016/03/gop-must-answer-for-what-it-did-to-kansas.html

…In 2010, the tea-party wave put Sam Brownback into the Sunflower State’s governor’s mansion and Republican majorities in both houses of its legislature. Together, they implemented the conservative movement’s blueprint for Utopia: They passed massive tax breaks for the wealthy and repealed all income taxes on more than 100,000 businesses. They tightened welfare requirements, privatized the delivery of Medicaid, cut $200 million from the education budget, eliminated four state agencies and 2,000 government employees. In 2012, Brownback helped replace the few remaining moderate Republicans in the legislature with conservative true believers. The following January, after signing the largest tax cut in Kansas history, Brownback told the Wall Street Journal, “My focus is to create a red-state model that allows the Republican ticket to say, ‘See, we’ve got a different way, and it works.’” As you’ve probably guessed, that model collapsed…


Russell Berman: Republicans Reverse Tax Cuts in Kansas: “The Death of Kansas’s Conservative Experiment… https://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2017/06/kansass-conservative-tax-experiment-is-dead/529551/

…Republicans in the state legislature on Tuesday voted to reverse Governor Sam Brownback’s signature tax cuts, dealing a blow to the kind of fiscal policy the Trump administration wants to enact nationally…. For Brownback, a former senator and one-time presidential hopeful, the vote was nothing less than a humiliation. He had hailed his tax cuts as “a real live experiment” in conservative governance and offered them up as a model for other states and the Trump administration. Instead, they left him as the most unpopular governor in the country, who was reportedly casting about for a federal posting that would allow him to escape Topeka before the legislature could eviscerate his legacy. “The Brownback experiment didn’t work. We saw that loud and clear,” said Heidi Holliday, executive director of the Kansas Center for Economic Growth…

Ben Casselman et al.: The Kansas Experiment Is Bad News For Trump’s Tax Cuts: “The most interesting policy news of the week may have come from 1,000 miles away, in Topeka, Kansas… https://fivethirtyeight.com/features/the-kansas-experiment-is-bad-news-for-trumps-tax-cuts/?ex_cid=trumpbeat

…The Kansas state legislature on Tuesday voted to override Gov. Sam Brownback’s veto and roll back $1.2 billion of tax cuts over two years. The vote marked a bipartisan repudiation of what Brownback had described as an “experiment” in a particular brand of anti-tax fiscal conservatism. The failure of that experiment has implications beyond Kansas because Brownback’s approach was meant to be a model for conservatives elsewhere, including in Washington. (It was drafted with the help of prominent conservative thinkers, including former Ronald Reagan adviser Arthur Laffer and Heritage Foundation economist Stephen Moore.) Brownback’s version was particularly radical: He aimed to push personal income taxes to zero and exempted certain kinds of businesses, known as “pass-through” entities, from taxes entirely…. Brownback and his supporters predicted that cutting taxes would create jobs and spur entrepreneurship while boosting government revenue. That isn’t what happened…


Tracy M. Turner and Brandon Blagg: The Short-term Effects of the Kansas Income Tax Cuts on Employment Growth: “The state of Kansas made dramatic changes to the structure of its personal income tax… http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/1091142117699274

…by eliminating taxation of business income and lowering marginal tax rates on other personal income sources. Proponents of the legislation maintain that the tax reductions will stimulate employment growth. Using a difference-in-differences approach, we estimate the impact of the tax changes on private-sector employment in the state of Kansas, relative to its border states, using data on the number of establishment employees and proprietors. We apply multistate county fixed effect model and county-border matching approaches to identify tax effects. Our findings indicate that two years post enactment, the tax law changes have not yielded a net increase in private-sector employment…