Weekend Reading

This is a weekly post we publish on Fridays with links to articles that touch on economic inequality and growth. The first section is a round-up of what Equitable Growth has published this week and the second is work we’re highlighting from elsewhere. We won’t be the first to share these articles, but we hope by taking a look back at the whole week, we can put them in context.

Equitable Growth round-up

A look at labor market conditions before the September Federal Reserve meeting.

How Netflix’s expansion of paid family leave mirrors broader trends in the U.S. economy.

Wondering if the days of just-time-scheduling are numbered.

We hear a lot about the gig economy, but where are the data?

The U.S. labor market has turned into a “cruel game of musical chairs.”

Links from around the web

Sociologists Kathryn Edin of Johns Hopkins University and Luke Shaefer have a new book out called $2.00 a Day that focuses on the life of Americans in extreme poverty. Dylan Matthews interviews them about the book and how people get by on such little cash. [vox]

Mike Konczal at the Roosevelt Institute digs into a new report from economists at the Federal Reserve Bank of New York on the relationship between student loans and tuition increases. The results of the paper have important implications about how we think about student aid. [rortybomb]

Martin Wolf warns about the slowdown in growth of the Chinese economy. According to Wolf, economic growth has come entirely from increased investment since 2011. Productivity hasn’t grown at all. [ft]

Companies are increasingly providing parental benefits to workers, but the way leave is structured can have unintended benefits. Claire Cain Miller details the potential hazards of designating a primary caregiver. [the upshot]

Wage growth has many determinants and a dynamic labor market is definitely one of them. John Robertson of the Atlanta Fed shows the relationship between the quit rate and wage growth. [macroblog]

Friday figure

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Figure from “The cruel game of musical chairs in the U.S. labor market” by Austin Clemens and Marshall Steinbaum.

 

U.S. jobs growth remains too slow

The employment and earnings data released today by the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics show that wages are still growing but at too slow of a rate to stem the historical rise in wage inequality. Although job gains are slowly tightening the labor market, the current pace of growth will continue to keep full employment a remote prospect.

Wages increased in August over the last year at a rate of 2.2 percent, similar to last month. And over the past three months, wages have grown at a 1.9 percent rate showing little sign of significant acceleration. Since the beginning of this year, the average wage of production and non-supervisory workers, who make up more than four-fifths of the workforce, has been growing at a slower rate than for the overall private sector, implying an increase in wage inequality.

Two of the industries seeing faster wage growth than the overall private sector are the leisure-and-hospitality sector, where wages increased by 2.9 percent over the last year, and the retail sector, where wages rose by 2.5 percent. Minimum wage increases and political pressures to increase wages in these sectors are among the factors driving wage growth. More than 70 percent of all minimum wage workers are employed in these two industries.

Employment grew by 173,000 in August, or about an average monthly gain of 221,000, over the last three months. Growth at these rates is helpful but not fast enough to secure an employment rate consistent with healthy wage growth any time soon. Next month’s employment release, for September, will mark six full years of consecutive monthly employment growth during the recovery, since October 2010. Yet the employed share of the prime-age population (ages 25 through 54) remains at 77.2 percent, well below even the lowest rate the economy sunk to after the end of the 2001 recession, 78.6 percent.

During a recovery, a healthy economy should be experiencing very rapid growth as it grows and recovers from prior employment losses. But last month the number of employed workers increased by only 1.5 percent at an annual rate, contrasting sharply with prior, more robust recoveries. Three years after the end of the 1990-1991 recession, for example, employment grew consistently by more than 3 percent each month at annual rates. Yet over the last six years, there have been only three months when monthly employment increased at an annual rate of more than 3 percent.

The proportion of working teenagers remains very low, too, at 28.0 percent last month, falling over the course of this year. Looking over the entire post-World War II period, when the earliest comparable data on teen employment begins, the teen employment-to-population ratio has never been so low as it has been during this recovery. In particular, teen employment now is substantially lower than in the late 1960s or 1970s, when minimum wages were higher. In 1968, when the inflation-adjusted minimum wage was at its highest point, 42 percent of the teen population was employed, about 50 percent more than was the case last month. Higher minimum wages than the United States has today were consistent with a much healthier labor market for teens.

The Federal Reserve should focus on the weak labor market later this month when it discusses raising interest rates, as doing so will slow both employment and wage growth. For both teens and the prime-age working population, employment rates remain significantly below rates during the depths of the prior recovery. Only now are hiring rates and quit rates—at 4.0 and 2.2 percent, respectively, in June—similar to levels at the nadir of the previous business cycle ending in 2007. Throughout the subsequent recovery, nominal wage growth (before factoring in inflation) has remained well below rates that preserve workers’ share of national income over the long run.

In addition, recent research shows that raising interest rates depresses the economy more than the stimulus provided by lowering rates, consistent with the idea that it’s harder to “push a string.” As a result, although raising rates too late is easy for the Fed to correct through future increases, raising rates too early may disproportionately stymie the recovery. Both the weak labor market and the asymmetric effects of monetary policy provide reasons for the Fed to avoid raising rates this year.

Must-Read: New York Comic Con 2015: The Amazing Economics of Star Trek

New York Comic Con 2015: The Amazing Economics of Star Trek : “What is economics without scarcity?…

…The real engine of Star Trek’s futuristic utopia is not the technology of warp drives and transporters, so much as it is the economics of a world where people want for nothing. This all-star Panel includes Nobel Prize winner Paul Krugman, Star Trek writer Chris Black, Trekonomics author Manu Saadia, and io9 editor Annalee Newitz. We’ll talk about automation and social progress, and ask: is Star Trek’s level of economic well-being actually possible?

Track: TV: SPEAKERS: Annalee Newitz, Brad DeLong, Chris Black, Felix Salmon, Manu Saadia, Paul Krugman

Must-Read: Carmen Reinhart: Inflation, the Fed, and the Big Picture

Must-Read: Carmen Reinhart: Inflation, the Fed, and the Big Picture: “At the end of the day, the US Federal Reserve…

…will base its interest-rate decisions primarily on domestic considerations. While there is more than the usual degree of uncertainty regarding the magnitude of America’s output gap since the financial crisis, there is comparatively less ambiguity now that domestic inflation is subdued. The rest of the world shares that benign inflation environment. As the Fed prepares for its September meeting, its policymakers would do well not to ignore what was overlooked in Jackson Hole: the need to place domestic trends in global and historical context. For now, such a perspective favors policy gradualism.

Must-Read: Kevin Drum: The Future of Health Care Costs Looks Surprisingly Rosy

Must-Read: Two points: (1) Kevin Drum reveals that he writes his weblog posts not in his bathrobe but in his shorts. (2) Ever since the closing of the health-care expansion frontier opened by Medicare and Medicaid plus the industrialization of the hospital, we have seen a steady if saw-toothed decline in the pace of spending growth–your standard logistic in the share of spending devoted to health care.

The big question for me is: Are we near the asymptote? Or will there be another wave of backlash against narrow networks and bureaucratic blockages of authorizations?

Time will tell!

Chart of the Day The Future of Health Care Costs Looks Surprisingly Rosy Mother Jones

Kevin Drum: The Future of Health Care Costs Looks Surprisingly Rosy: “You’ve seen various versions of this chart from me…

…perhaps you’d like to see it from a pair of highly-qualified researchers rather than some shorts-clad blogger? Not a problem…. The recent slowdown in health care costs isn’t just an artifact of the Great Recession. That probably helped, but the downward trend far predates the recession. Bottom line: there will still be spikes and valleys in the future, but there’s every reason to think that the general trend of health care costs over the next few decades will be either zero (i.e., equal to overall inflation) or pretty close to it.

Where are U.S. data on the gig economy?

There’s an old joke about the economist who loses his car keys one night and only looks for them directly under a lamppost. Why would he look where there wasn’t enough light? The joke is often bandied about after hearing economists say they haven’t dug into an issue because the data aren’t good enough or don’t even exist. Today, this refrain is often heard when the so-called gig economy is mentioned. So in an era of Uber, Airbnb, TaskRabbit, and Handy do we need to update our labor market data?

Take a look at the current labor market statistics and you won’t find much evidence of a dramatic emergence of an “Uberfied” work force. Adam Ozimek, an economist at Moody’s Analytics looks at a number of labor market data sets from the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics and finds no evidence of a “nation of freelancers.” The share of workers who are self-employed actually looks to be on the decline in recent years and workers aren’t more likely to hold multiple jobs. Josh Zumbrun at the Wall Street Journal finds very similar results when he also digs into the data.

But as Justin Fox writes at Bloomberg View—commenting on Ozimek’s post—the labor market “fringes are where interesting stuff usually begins.” With that in mind, it’s heartening to see the recent letter to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics from Senator Mark Warner (D-VA), who asks a number of questions about the agency’s capabilities to measure the gig economy now and in the future.

The Bureau of Labor Statistics produces high quality data on a number of issues, but no data set is ever perfect. Economists Larry Katz of Harvard University and Alan Krueger at Princeton University are looking into the gig economy and find evidence that the BLS surveys are missing out on some developments. Case in point: they find some evidence of a larger gig economy in tax data.

Furthermore, there’s room within the agency’s current statistics to get more information about the labor force. Consider independent contractors. Sociologist Annette Bernhardt at the University of California-Berkeley points out that a wide variety of workers are included in this group—from “management consultants, lawyers, doctors, farm managers, and architects” to “street vendors, barbers, auto mechanics, landscapers, cab drivers, caregivers, and truck drivers.” So while perhaps the aggregate labor market might not be full of freelancers, it’s important to understand which industries and occupations could be considered a part of this new and emerging gig economy.

It’s far too soon to say that we live and work in a gig economy today, but it’s important to consider how we can improve our understanding of how these trends might be shifting today and in the future so that other aspects of the labor market, such as worker benefits and non-wage compensation, can be examined in a new light.

Must-Read: Paul Krugman: Bubblewashing

Must-Read: I gotta agree with Paul Krugman here: Ylan Q. Mui is smart and hard-working. But she is not doing the job that a WonkBlog reporter should be doing. She is, instead, doing the standard Len Downie-culture Washington Post job of pleasing her sources and confusing her readers–nearly the exact opposite of what I took to be the task that Ezra Klein originally set the reporters of WonkBlog.

As I have said and will say again: The (surprisingly few) good journalists working for the Washington Post would land on their feet if it stopped publishing tomorrow. The rest shouldn’t be in the industry. And the quality of the information stream would be improved:

Paul Krugman: Bubblewashing: “Almost 15 years have passed since I warned about media ‘balance’…

…that involved systematically abdicating the journalistic duty of informing readers about simple matters of fact…. Have things improved? In some ways, they may have gotten even worse. These days, media balance often seems to involve retroactively rewriting history to avoid telling readers that one side of a policy debate got things completely wrong. In particular, when you see reports on monetary disputes, you often see characterizations of what the Fed’s right-wing critics have been saying that go something like this, in the WaPo:

Among the criticisms: The Fed was keeping interest rates artificially low and fueling speculative bubbles. The helicopter-drop of money known as quantitative easing did little more than inflate stock markets and fund Washington’s deficit spending. The bailout of big banks left them bigger than ever.

Um, no. The people who gathered at the anti-Jackson-Hole event weren’t warning about bubbles and too-big-to-fail. They warned, in apocalyptic terms, that runaway inflation was just around the corner. Here’s Ron Paul; here’s Peter Schiff.

Why would a reporter credit the Fed’s critics with warnings they didn’t give, and fail to mention what they actually said?

The answer, pretty obviously, is that if you were to say ‘Ron Paul has been predicting runaway inflation ever since the Fed began its expansionary policies’, that would make it clear that he has been completely wrong. And conveying that truth–even as a matter of simple factual reporting–is apparently viewed as taking sides. So what we get instead is a whitewashing of the intellectual history, in which Fed critics are portrayed as making arguments that haven’t been shown to be ridiculous. It’s a pretty sorry spectacle.

Things to Read at Nighttime on September 2, 2015

Must- and Should-Reads:

More Here at Equitable Growth:

Might Like to Be Aware of:

Must-Read: Mark Thoma: The Triumph of Backward-Looking Economics

Must-Read: When I have to teach my students policy-oriented macro, I look for cases of moderate inflation in which expectations relevant to the Phillips curve and the inflation-unemployment “tradeoff” turn out to be neither anchored nor adaptive but rational. The only historical example I have found in a major North Atlantic country that even partly fits the bill is the accession of Francois Mitterand to the French presidency in the early 1980s–and even there the expectations that look rational are not workers’ or bosses’ but rather foreign-exchange traders…

Mark Thoma: The Triumph of Backward-Looking Economics: “In response to Paul Krugman’s recent post, “The Triumph of Backward-Looking Economics”…

…let me offer this from Blanchard and Johnson’s intermediate macroeconomics text….

Fighting inflation implied tightening monetary policy, decreasing output growth, and thus accepting higher unemployment for some time. The question arose of how much unemployment, and for how long, would likely be needed to achieve a lower level of inflation, say 4%–which is the rate Volcker wanted to achieve. Some economists argued that such a disinflation would likely be very costly…. [But] Lucas argued: Why shouldn’t wage setters take policy changes directly into account? If wage setters believed that the Fed was committed to lower inflation, they might well expect inflation to be lower in the future than in the past…. The essential ingredient of successful disinflation, he argued, was credibility…. Furthermore, [Sargent] argued, a clear and quick disinflation program was more likely to be credible than a protracted one….

[Starting] September 1979… from 9%… the three-month Treasury bill rate was increased to 15% in August 1981…. There was no credibility miracle: Disinflation was associated with a sharp recession…. Does this settle the issue of how much credibility matters? Not really. Those who argued before the fact that credibility would help argued after the fact that Volcker had not been fully credible…

If Volcker’s disinflation was not a “fully credible” attempt to curb a moderate inflation, then nothing short of a replacement of a currency will ever be credible. And the question of how to stop a moderate inflation via credible policies is simply without interest.

Must-Read: Paul Krugman: Base versus Base

Must-Read: As time passes, there seems to be less and less technocrat rationale for the policy of cutting back the social insurance state in order to keep the taxes on the rich low. Yet that does not appear to do anything to weaken pressures putting for politicians to endorse such policies–even at a very cost in terms of being in synch with their electoral base:

Paul Krugman: Base Versus Base: “‘This is an impressive crowd…

…the haves and the have-mores. Some people call you the elites; I call you my base.” — George W. Bush

Ezra Klein… on [how] The Donald… representat[‘s]… the GOP base … dovetails with my piece about Social Security…. The Republican establishment [now is] a small group of very wealthy donors… a sort of different base… [with] a stark conflict between the two bases. The Bush base… has anted up well over $100 million… to anoint Jeb!… If Jeb! really believed he could achieve 4 percent growth, there would be no need for Social Security cuts…. But slashing the welfare state is, of course, not about the money–it’s about the pain.)… Bro! was… pretty good at convincing the voter base that he was one of them…. But that fell apart… during his attempt to privatize Social Security. And Jeb! has no talent at all for that kind of salesmanship…. Everyone still says that DT can’t win this thing, and they may be right. But who, exactly, is supposed to come out on top and how?

Paul Krugman: Republicans Against Retirement: “Social Security… is, of course, both extremely popular…

and a long-term target of conservatives, who want to kill it…. Stephen Moore (now chief economist of the Heritage Foundation) once declared, Social Security is ‘the soft underbelly of the welfare state’; ‘jab your spear through that’ and you can undermine the whole thing…. Republicans… have been declaring… the retirement age… should go up… Jeb Bush… ‘68 or 70’. Scott Walker has echoed…. Marco Rubio… raise the retirement age and… cut benefits for higher-income seniors. Rand Paul… 70 and means-test benefits. Ted Cruz wants to revive the Bush privatization plan…. What’s puzzling… is that it looks like bad politics as well as bad policy….

It’s all about the big money. Wealthy individuals have long played a disproportionate role in politics, but we’ve never seen anything like what’s happening now: domination of campaign finance, especially on the Republican side, by a tiny group of immensely wealthy donors. Indeed, more than half the funds raised by Republican candidates through June came from just 130 families. And while most Americans love Social Security, the wealthy don’t…