Should-Read: Susan Pedersen: Reviews ‘Bread for All’

Should-Read: Our social insurance state still (largely) presumes the stable two-parent family. In lots of ways it does not fit today’s American society, in which men in divorce threaten to seek custody on the basis of their higher incomes and so get women to accept impoverishing negotiated settlements: Susan Pedersen: Reviews ‘Bread for All’: “The welfare state emerges in this account as the culmination of a series of individual, sometimes problematic and sometimes heroic, engagements and commitments…

…Edwin Chadwick struggling with drains and contagion, Francis Galton puzzling over ‘defect’ and degeneracy, Octavia Hill setting up model housing and disciplining her unruly tenants, Charles Booth sending his army of volunteers out to categorise and analyse London’s working class. Some of the sons and daughters of those evangelical shipping magnates and manufacturers who racked up fortunes during Britain’s free-trading heyday, it seems, felt guilty, not complacent, about their privilege…. A school of thought born to open up a society riddled with rank and patronage to merit and markets ended up documenting the inability of individualised freedom alone to deliver prosperity and justice. At a moment when the public reputation of ‘experts’ is lower than that of, say, vivisectionists, it’s nice to read a book that insists so strenuously that social scientists, armed with knowledge and numbers and driven by ambition and empathy, teamed up with politicians (another unloved group) to improve the world decisively and lastingly….

The book does provide a good and readable account of the making of the Beveridgean welfare state. But without a sharper analytical focus, and especially some attention to Beveridge’s ideas about how to provide income security without disordering family life, the book not only ignores the welfare state’s disciplinary function but also rather overlooks how poorly it served disadvantaged groups–notably mothers–when the social relations Beveridge thought so stable came apart…

Should-Read: Claudia Goldin: Harvard economist Claudia Goldin studies why women earn less than men

Should-Read: Claudia Goldin: Harvard economist Claudia Goldin studies why women earn less than men: “If there’s one thing men can do to improve women’s life at work, it would be…

…Want what women want. If men wanted to take more responsibility at home (real responsibility), then workplaces would be structured differently, and men and women would be treated and paid more equally in the labor market. It’s that simple. BONUS QUESTIONS: The mountain I’m willing to die on… is freedom. Everyone should own… a dog (but dogs own us)…

Should-Read: Helge Berger, Giovanni Dell’Ariccia, and Maurice Obstfeld: The Euro Area Needs a Fiscal Union

Should-Read: Helge Berger, Giovanni Dell’Ariccia, and Maurice Obstfeld: The Euro Area Needs a Fiscal Union: “Without more tangible elements of a fiscal union, the euro area will remain fundamentally vulnerable to shocks…

…The architecture supporting Europe’s currency union remains incomplete and leaves the region vulnerable to future financial crises…. The euro area needs to build elements of a common fiscal policy, including more fiscal risk sharing, to preserve financial and economic integration and stability. Without some degree of fiscal union, the region will continue to face existential risks that policymakers should not ignore. While this is not a new topic, the current favorable economic climate might be the moment to advance the discussion—and the chance to strengthen the euro area. If Europe’s Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) were like any other large currency area, such as the United States, member states would tackle economic or financial shocks together. They would have empowered a central government or jointly run institutions to deal with stressed financial entities, secure bank deposits, and provide fiscal relief to member states in a particularly deep recession…

Should-Read: Center for American Progress: Medicare Extra for All

Should-Read: Center for American Progress: Medicare Extra for All: “‘Medicare Extra for All’…

…would include important enhancements to the current Medicare program: an out-of-pocket limit, coverage of dental care and hearing aids, and integrated drug benefits. Medicare Extra would be available to all Americans, regardless of income, health status, age, or insurance status. Employers would have the option to sponsor Medicare Extra and employees would have the option to choose Medicare Extra over their employer coverage. Medicare Extra would strengthen, streamline, and integrate Medicaid coverage with guaranteed quality into a national program. The cost of coverage would be offset significantly by reducing health care costs. The payment rates for medical providers would reference current Medicare rates—and importantly, employer plans would be able to take advantage of these savings. Medicare Extra would negotiate prescription drug prices by giving preference to drugs whose prices reflect value and innovation…

Should-Read: Michael Kades: Credit card competition case before U.S. Supreme Court leaves consumers and competition in the balance

Should-Read: The fear that decreasing competition is hobbling American economic growth is a growing concern. And back when I learned antitrust economics and law, the idea that raising rivals’ costs could be thought of as pro-competition and pro-consumer would have struck my teachers dumb with amazement. Yet here we are: Michael Kades: Credit card competition case before U.S. Supreme Court leaves consumers and competition in the balance: “The Supreme Court next week will hear oral arguments in an antitrust case about competition and credit card merchants’ fees…

…The U.S. Department of Justice and a group of state attorneys general alleged that American Express Co. has effectively eliminated competition between credit card companies that could lower merchant fees. As a result, merchants are paying higher fees and passing those costs on to all consumers. The case exemplifies the challenges of modern antitrust law. The court of appeals, in ruling for American Express, adopted a complex doctrinal analysis that confused what should have been a straightforward antitrust analysis. In practical terms, the decision sanctions a likely transfer from generally less wealthy consumers to more wealthy companies and, in this case, from less wealthy consumers to more wealthy ones….

Credit cards serve two sets of customers: the consumers who use the cards and the merchants who accept them. The demand between the two groups is interdependent. The more people who carry a credit card, the more likely a merchant is to accept the card, and the more merchants who accept a credit card, the more likely a consumer is to carry that card. That relationship affects how credit card companies compete. American Express, for example, charges merchants a relatively high fee to process transactions, but it provides substantial benefits to consumers through its rewards program…. Alternatively, a credit card company might charge merchants a low fee, hoping the merchant will induce customers to use the cheaper card…. Right now, customers can’t make that choice because of nondiscrimination clauses in agreements signed by merchants who agree to use American Express cards…. That clause has a marketwide impact….

The original trial court found that such clauses eliminated competition and increased merchant fees…. Distilled to its essence, American Express is saying that, given a choice with full information and competition, consumers will stop using its cards. That is competition. And the trial court rejected the company’s justification. The court of appeals reversed that decision, finding no antitrust violation…. The court of appeals decided that the government had to prove that increased fees were greater than any increased consumer benefits as a threshold issue. The issue in the case, however, is not that American Express was shifting costs between two sets of customers; the issue is whether the company can prevent its competitors (Visa, MasterCard, and Discover) from competing by incentivizing merchants to prefer one card over another…. The Supreme Court hearing next week and its final decision, announced sometime before the end of June, will go a long way toward determining whether U.S. antitrust law can rise to the challenge of protecting consumers and competition or whether its force will be unduly circumscribed…

Credit card competition case before U.S. Supreme Court leaves consumers and competition in the balance

The Supreme Court next week will hear oral arguments in an antitrust case about competition and credit card merchants’ fees.

The U.S. Supreme Court next week will hear oral arguments in Ohio v. American Express, an antitrust case involving competition in the credit card industry. The U.S. Department of Justice and a group of state attorneys general alleged that American Express Co. has effectively eliminated competition between credit card companies that could lower merchant fees. As a result, merchants are paying higher fees and passing those costs on to all consumers. The case exemplifies the challenges of modern antitrust law. The court of appeals, in ruling for American Express, adopted a complex doctrinal analysis that confused what should have been a straightforward antitrust analysis. In practical terms, the decision sanctions a likely transfer from generally less wealthy consumers to more wealthy companies and, in this case, from less wealthy consumers to more wealthy ones.

But first, here’s the background of the court case. Credit cards serve two sets of customers: the consumers who use the cards and the merchants who accept them. The demand between the two groups is interdependent. The more people who carry a credit card, the more likely a merchant is to accept the card, and the more merchants who accept a credit card, the more likely a consumer is to carry that card.

That relationship affects how credit card companies compete. American Express, for example, charges merchants a relatively high fee to process transactions, but it provides substantial benefits to consumers through its rewards program. The company is betting that consumers’ preference for using American Express credit cards will convince merchants to accept them, despite merchant fees that are higher than those charged by its competitors-Visa Inc., MasterCard Inc., and Discover Financial Services.

Alternatively, a credit card company might charge merchants a low fee, hoping the merchant will induce customers to use the cheaper card. Merchants might disclose the different fees, give a discount for using the card, or provide an additional benefit such as free shipping. Customers then would have to make a choice: Use the American Express card to obtain reward points or take advantage of the benefit offered for using other cards.

Right now, customers can’t make that choice because of nondiscrimination clauses in agreements signed by merchants who agree to use American Express cards. Any merchant accepting American Express must agree not to encourage the use of one card over another. Because the merchant may not steer customers to a preferred card, lowering the merchant fee will not generate additional use of that card.

That clause has a marketwide impact. More than 6 million merchants nationwide accept American Express. Roughly 90 percent of all credit card transactions involve merchants subject to these clauses. As a result, credit card companies do not compete on merchant fees. Given that impact, the only question is whether nondiscrimination clauses harm competition.

The original trial court found that such clauses eliminated competition and increased merchant fees, which were passed on to all consumers in higher prices. American Express argued that the clauses, although limiting competition, were necessary. Otherwise, merchants would accept the company’s card to attract its cardholders, then convince those customers to use a different card. Distilled to its essence, American Express is saying that, given a choice with full information and competition, consumers will stop using its cards. That is competition. And the trial court rejected the company’s justification.

The court of appeals reversed that decision, finding no antitrust violation. Because credit cards are a two-sided market-meaning there are two sets of customers whose demand is interdependent-the court of appeals decided that the government had to prove that increased fees were greater than any increased consumer benefits as a threshold issue. The issue in the case, however, is not that American Express was shifting costs between two sets of customers; the issue is whether the company can prevent its competitors (Visa, MasterCard, and Discover) from competing by incentivizing merchants to prefer one card over another.

Why does this matter? First, credit card fees are substantial. In 2013, the four major credit card companies collected more than $50 billion in merchant fees. Second, the restraints embedded in the merchant agreements that American Express is defending in court cause low-income consumers to subsidize higher-income consumers. Merchants pass the fees along by raising retail prices to all customers, which means cash customers or customers using a different credit card pay the higher costs, but only relatively more affluent American Express cardholders receive the benefits.

Finally, two-sided markets are common. Newspapers, television, and much of the internet are two-sided markets where consumers-newspaper readers, TV viewers, travelers, or search-engine users, among many others-use a service for free or at a reduced price and advertisers or the seller pays the platform. It is unclear whether a court could ever balance the costs and benefits to two separate classes of customers. This complexity would apply not just to credit cards, but also to any market in which a company could establish it was a two-sided market.

The Supreme Court hearing next week and its final decision, announced sometime before the end of June, will go a long way toward determining whether U.S. antitrust law can rise to the challenge of protecting consumers and competition or whether its force will be unduly circumscribed.

Should-Read: Anna Stansbury and Lawrence Summers: On the link between US pay and productivity

Should-Read: A good paper. But I am inclined to say “not yet” rather than “no”. The type of productivity growth we saw in the past was not closely linked to rising inequality. To the extent that rising inequality was driven by the technology-education nexus, the overwhelming bulk of the action was in reduced (relative to trend) educational effort. But the past may well not be a good guide to the present and the future here: Anna Stansbury and Lawrence Summers: On the link between US pay and productivity: “More rapid technological progress should cause faster productivity growth…

…so, if some aspect of faster technological progress has caused inequality, we should see periods of faster productivity growth come alongside more rapid growth in inequality…. Our regressions find no significant relationship between productivity growth and changes in mean-median inequality, and very little relationship between productivity growth and changes in the labour share…. This evidence casts doubt on the idea that more rapid technological progress alone has been the primary driver of rising inequality over recent decades, and tends to lend support to more institutional and structural explanations…

Should-Read: Henry Farrell: The father of consumer sovereignty

Should-Read: Henry Farrell: The father of consumer sovereignty: “[Even] the mainstream of Mont Pelerin was… problematic on apartheid…

…William H. Hutt was at the heart of the problem. Hutt indeed condemned racism, and claimed that it was rooted in opposition to the market. Yet his condemnation only went so far. As Slobodian describes it….

The political complement to [Hutt’s] workplace liberation was not equality for blacks but their second-class status… What he described as “the most vital point of my whole thesis” in The Economics of the Color Bar was not an economic but a political argument: a warning about the “tyranny of parliamentary majorities” under systems of universal suffrage. The fact that blacks were the majority population in South Africa made the situation exceptionally perilous.… Hutt expressed the need “to protect the minorities [that is, Whites] from spoliation and revenge” and suggested that the franchise be adjusted on “some principle of weighting.”… Hutt did foresee the gradual introduction of more equality in some “very distant future (it would be very optimistic to assume 50 years).”…

These… subtleties… in Hutt’s position appear either to have escaped the libertarian critics of MacLean who championed, or to have seemed to them for some reason or another not to have been worth mentioning. But they do point up the… elective affinity between certain forms of libertarianism and racism…. In Hutt we have a libertarian economist who is currently being held forward by libertarians as an exemplar of market based anti-racism. Hutt’s actual position was that racism was bad, but the introduction of actual democracy to South Africa was bad too, since it would lead to expropriation. Hence, Hutt’s solution of a weighted franchise, and Hayek’s apparent suggestion that the South African state ought be limited to a minimal body designed to enforce contracts, protect market competition and no more, lest a democratic majority seize upon it as a tool for redistribution. For sure, neither Hutt nor Hayek appear to have been racist as Röpke was, or direct supporters of the version of apartheid that then applied. But weighting the vote or crippling the state for fear of a black majority is weighting the vote or crippling the state for fear of a black majority, whichever way you slice it.

Should-Read: Bridget Ansel: The gender gap in economics has ramifications far beyond the ivory tower

Should-Read: What you see depends on where you look from. I would not say that economics has covered itself with glory in taking a true 360-degree view of the situation. And Bridget has put her finger on one reason why: Bridget Ansel: The gender gap in economics has ramifications far beyond the ivory tower: “Given the extent to which every individual’s life is intertwined with the economy…

…the need to increase diversity in economics is not just about fairness or productivity within the ivory tower. It affects whether and how the needs of everyone—and not just certain groups—are reflected in our understanding of the economy and accounted for in our national policies…