Alan Greenspan Misjudged the Risks in the Mid-2000s; Alan Greenspan Was Not a Coward

The standard explanations I have heard for Alan Greenspan’s policy of “benign neglect” toward the mid-2000s housing bubble–why he turned down the advice of Ned Gramlich and others to use his regulatory and jawboning powers against it–see Greenspan as motivated by three considerations:

  1. Least important: that he would take political heat if the Fed tried to get in the way of or even warned about willing borrowers and willing lenders contracting to buy houses and to take out and issue mortgages.

  2. Less important: a Randite belief that it was not the Federal Reserve’s business to protect rich investors from the consequences of their own imprudent folly.

  3. Of overwhelming importance: a belief that the Federal Reserve had the power and the tools to build firewalls to keep whatever disorder finance threw up from having serious consequences for the real economy of demand, production, and employment.

Back in the mid-2000s Greenspan had a strong case.

I certainly, bought it by and large. The Federal Reserve had, after all, managed to deal with the 1987 stock market crash, the 1991 S&L crash, the 1995 Mexican crash, the 1997 East Asian crisis, the 1998 dual bankruptcy of Russia and LTCM, the 2000 collapse of the dot-com bubble, and 9/11–plus assorted smaller financial disturbances. And it had dealt with them well.

Thus the interpretation of Alan Greenspan’s actions in the mid-2000s that I have always believed in is: he misjudged the risks, and unknowingly made bad calls.

Now comes Sebastian Mallaby with a different interpretation. Mallaby’s interpretation of Greenspan in the mid-2000s is: he understood the risks, but was too cowardly to do his proper job:

Sebastian Mallaby: The Doubts of Alan Greenspan:

Mr. Greenspan was not complacent about potential catastrophes lurking in balance sheets—he had worried about them for decades. Far from being ignorant of these issues, he was the man who knew….

In Jan. 2004, with house prices starting to look frothy, Mr. Greenspan repeated his warning, predicting a repeat of the tech bust. “It sounds as though we’re back in the late ’90s,” he worried to his colleagues. “The potential snap-back effects are large.” In short, Mr. Greenspan’s youthful fear of finance stayed with him throughout his Fed tenure. Long before the 2008 crisis, he had understood the lessons that were celebrated as new insights in the wake of the crash…

This seems to me to be simply wrong as an interpretation of the mid-2000s.

Here’s the context of the Greenspan quotes, from the January 28, 2004 FOMC meeting. Greenspan is building the case for removing from the FOMC post-meeting statement the phrase that it will wait a “considerable period” before it will start to raise the Fed Funds rate from its then-current level of 1%/year, and to replace that with a reference to “patience” before it will start to raise the Federal Funds rate.

Greenspan:

President Broaddus, did you have a question? Are there any other questions? If not, let me get started. I must say after listening to this roundtable discussion that I find it hard to recall a degree of buoyancy like the one that comes across today. Unless I’m mistaken, Committee members have not reported on indications of a more unequivocally benign and positive economic outlook in a number of years. It sounds as though we’re back in the late ’90s or perhaps early 2000. That, I suspect, is a reflection of what is going on in the economy. Indeed, on the basis of both the Beige Book and today’s roundtable discussion of regional developments, the data that will be forthcoming from official agencies, if my experience serves me well, are going to come in surprisingly on the upside. The outlook seems extraordinarily benign, and I’ll get to the reasons why that bothers me shortly.

Profits margins are high though they may have peaked and probably will be edging downward. At this stage the usual lag between productivity growth and its effects on real compensation is likely to result in increasing incomes and thus provide a fairly solid base for further growth in consumer spending as the impact of earlier tax cuts fades. The wealth effect, which has been a drag on spending for quite a long period of time, is now back to neutral or possibly has turned positive; and in my view, the consumer debt service burdens that one hears about from most of our private-sector colleagues are really being overstated. If we look, for example, at the debt service burden on home mortgages, we find that a very large number of homeowners have refinanced and have locked in a very low coupon rate on average. That suggests that most mortgage credit servicing payments are going to be relatively flat irrespective of what we do in the marketplace. And while we likely are looking at an increase in the consumer credit part of household indebtedness, it is mortgages, of course, that dominate the overall household sector debt.

On the business side it has already been mentioned that the financing gap has turned negative for the first time in quite a significant period, and we’re seeing the implications of an increase in cash flow on capital investment. We’re seeing it in the anecdotal information on capital appropriations and certainly in the new orders series, which are continually improving. Inventory investment has nowhere to go but up. The Institute of Supply Management reports that purchasing managers continue to view the inventories of their customers as exceptionally low. The implication is that new orders will strengthen, and we’re even hearing some discussions about a prospective pickup in commercial lending; that has not yet happened, but it would be another indication of a surge in inventory investment. The housing market is bound to soften at some point, but we’ve been saying that for quite a long period of time. In any event, it’s hard to imagine that housing activity will contribute very much in the way of strength to the expansion. Net exports will probably continue to be a small drag. Inflation clearly is stable.

I think the employment data are actually a good deal better than the latest payroll numbers suggest. If we look at the change in employment as the difference between gross hires less gross separations, the gross separation series as best we can judge is pretty much what we would expect given the GDP growth numbers that we have been looking at. Initial claims are down significantly as are job losses. What’s happening is that new hires are well below expectations in relation to economic growth, and I suspect that virtually all of that weakness is merely a mirror image of the increase in output per hour. Indeed, the question here is how much longer we can continue to get such rapid increases in output per hour. I do not deny that we may get additional quarters with 5 percent productivity growth rates, but if that goes on much longer, it will become historically unprecedented.

An economy characterized by cutting-edge technology such as in the United States does not seem capable of expanding much faster than 3 percent over the long run. Indeed, the level of intelligence is not high enough to foster appreciably faster growth over time. As I like to ask the question, why did it take so long to recognize the economic value of silicon among other things or to appreciate the desirability of reorganizing corporate structures the way businesses do now? Business firms could have done that fifty years ago, and they didn’t. The answer is that we’re just not smart enough. The reason that a lot of the emerging nations are able to sustain faster economic growth is that they are catching up. It’s not an intelligence issue. So there is something here that has to change, or we really are looking at a new trend in productivity that, as I see it, is remarkably fundamental. My impression of the employment data is that the probability of a significant upward revision in the December number or a pop in the January number is a good deal better than 50/50. And I would submit that, as of next week, we may—I say “may”—be looking at a somewhat different overall picture of the labor market.

The question that we have to ask ourselves is, What could go wrong with this extraordinary scenario, which the Board’s staff forecast extends through 2005? It involves the most extraordinary and benign economic performance that I have observed in my business lifetime. But then again all this involves a productivity world that I’ve never perceived or lived in, and it may be more real, if I may put it that way, than we imagine.

There are several developments, however, that I find worrisome. All have been mentioned in our discussion. The first is that yield spreads continue to fall. As yield spreads fall, we are in effect getting an incremental increase in risk-taking that is adding strength to the economic expansion. And when we get down to the rate levels at which everybody is reaching for yield, at some point the process stops and untoward things happen. The trouble is, we don’t know what will happen except that at these low rate levels there is a clear potential for huge declines in the prices of debt obligations such as Baa-rated or junk bonds. To put it another way, the potential snapback effects are large. We are always better off if equity premiums are moderate to slightly high or yields are moderate to slightly high because the vulnerability to substantial changes in market psychology is then obviously less. In my view we are vulnerable at this stage to fairly dramatic changes in psychology. We are undoubtedly pumping very considerable liquidity into the financial system. It is showing up in the Goldman Sachs and Citicorp indicators. We don’t see it in the money supply numbers or some other standard indicators. We’re seeing it in the asset-price structure. That structure is not yet at a point where “bubble” is the appropriate word to describe it, but asset pricing is getting to be very aggressive. I don’t know whether any of you have noticed that, while stock market prices have been rising persistently since March of last year, the rise in the last four or five weeks has been virtually straight up. That’s usually a sign that something is going to change and that the change is usually not terribly helpful.

I think we have to be wary of the possibility of a somewhat different outcome than is suggested by the model we may be looking at. The main issue here is what will happen in the event of a decline in the rate of growth in output per hour. In the context of the strength in aggregate demand that we are experiencing, we should get a big surge in employment. We should also get, as the staff forecast suggests, the first significant increases in unit labor costs. It is not price that we ought to be focusing on. It is not core PCE, although I think that’s ultimately where we’re going. The first signs of emerging trouble are likely to be in the form of increases in unit labor costs; and with profit margins currently at high levels, those increases may be absorbed for a while in weaker profit margins, which is probably not a bad forecast at this stage. But there is also a difficult question regarding what has caused the decline in inflation in recent years. It has been global and not confined to the United States, and it cannot simply be the consequence of monetary policy. I realize that a lot of people think that world monetary policy has suddenly gotten terrific and that it is the reason for the global decline in inflation. I’d love to believe that is true. I don’t believe it for four seconds. I think that what we’re looking at is, to an important extent, the consequence of a major move toward deregulation, the opening up of markets, and strong competitive forces driven in large part by technology. I don’t know how long this very significant downward pressure on prices is going to last. With regard to deregulation, I do know that the lowering of trade barriers is coming to a halt. All of the low- hanging fruit involved in trade negotiations has probably been picked, and we will be very fortunate if we can just stabilize the situation here without experiencing a rise in protectionism.

There has been a lot of discussion about the gap issue here, and I think for good reason as Ben Bernanke and Bill Poole have indicated. I might add that random walk does not mean that the inflation in 2004 is necessarily going to be the same as in 2003. That’s the expected value, but the outcome could very easily be 1½ points higher under foreseeable circumstances. What I think we have to ask ourselves is which of the various alternatives for policy can give us the most significant trouble if we are wrong. In that regard my judgment is that the expected value of inflation is in the area of its current level as far out as I can see. I also think that if we wanted to retain the “considerable period” language, we would be able to do that for a significant period of time. Indeed, I would guess that the most likely forecast of when we will have to move is not too far from when the futures market is currently anticipating that move will occur. We need to remember that we are talking very largely about a move in a tightening direction. There is a small probability that we might have to move rates lower should we suddenly run into some deflationary problems. That in my judgment is a very small probability, but it is not zero.

We are, therefore, essentially looking at the question of doing nothing or tightening. In that regard, the most costly mistake would be for us to be constrained by the “considerable period” phraseology at a time when inflationary pressures were building up fairly rapidly. If the probability that we will have to drop the “considerable period” reference is very high, which I think it is, it’s not clear to me what we gain by waiting. If, indeed, the economy is as buoyant as the discussion around this table has just described, then we are going to be pressed relatively quickly by market developments to start moving. In that event, the futures bulge now ten months out would very likely start to move closer in time. I don’t think that’s the most probable outcome, but it is a sufficiently large part of the probability tail to suggest to me that we ought to drop the “considerable period” language and adopt some reference to “patience.” The latter would in my view give us greater leeway to take action. We probably will also have to tack against the amount of liquidity that we’re pumping into the financial system. As Governor Gramlich rightly mentioned, it’s probably wise to call in the fire engines.

It’s one thing to look at the degree of liquidity after rates have been this low for this long and another to presume that the structure of the economy is going to stay this way if we continue to hold rates at this level for, say, another year and a half. So my view as far as policy is concerned is that it would not be a bad thing if we referred in some way to “patience” rather than to “considerable period” in our press statement and the markets responded in a negative way by moving up funds rate futures and long-term bond yields. Unless what I’ve heard this morning about business conditions and business sentiment is going to be dramatically reversed by the time of the next meeting, interest rates are too low. One may ask how that can be because a large number of market participants are aware of all these developments and in the past they presumably would have moved market rates higher by now. I would suggest that there is a very significant danger that they have listened to us! [Laughter] We have convinced them that the earlier simplistic view of our response to an upturn in economic growth and the associated risk of rising inflation does not apply under prevailing circumstances and will not lead us to tighten monetary policy in the near term. We have succeeded in demonstrating that such a view was now wrong. When we first argued that it was wrong, they didn’t believe us. We argued again, and they said, “Well, maybe.” We continued to argue that they were wrong, and they now believe us.

One implication in my judgment is that we can’t necessarily look, for example, at a chart showing the one-year maturity for the ten-year Treasury note nine years out, which is trading steadily at a little over 6 percent, and say that the market does not expect a rise in inflation. That may be what the numbers tell us. What I don’t know is whether that chart is based on market factors or whether I’m looking in a mirror. And I fear that it’s more the latter than the former. It is a terrific vote of confidence in the System or what Al Broaddus likes to call our credibility, but I’m not sure that we’re wise to sit here and allow that view to persist if indeed that is the case.

As a consequence and in line with our discussions at this and previous meetings regarding the desirability of taking gradual steps, I think today is the day we should adjust our press statement and move to a reference to “patience.” I think the downside risks to that change are small. I do think the market will react “negatively” as we used to say, but I’m not sure such a reaction would have negative implications, quite frankly. If we were to retain the “considerable period” wording, I would hate to find us in the position of seeing Citicorp’s forecast of a 300,000 increase in January employment number actually materialize in next week’s announcement. We would be in a very uncomfortable position. If we go to “patience,” we will have full flexibility to sit for a year or to move in a couple of months. I don’t think we’re going to want to do the latter, but I’d certainly like to be in that position should a rate increase become necessary. That’s my view. Who’d like to comment? Governor Kohn.

Greenspan doesn’t think the economy is in a bubble.

Greenspan is not sounding the alarm.

Greenspan does not even want to raise the Fed Funds rate above 1%/year. Greenspan wants “patience”.

Greenspan is painting a picture of an extraordinary “degree of buoyancy…. Committee members have not reported on indications of a more unequivocally benign and positive economic outlook in a number of years…” The “back in the late 90s” is not Greenspan saying “this is another bubble”–Greenspan says, explicitly, that “bubble” is “not yet… the appropriate word”. It is, rather, an assessment that the economy is currently performing well. After giving that assessment, Greenspan then segues to considering tail risks: saying “the outlook seems extraordinarily benign, and I’ll get to the reasons why that bothers me shortly”. That’s where the “snap-back” phrase comes from.

So Mallaby’s basic thesis–that Greenspan believed in January 2004 that the economy was in a dangerous bubble and on the edge of catastrophe–is directly falsified by a five-minute look at the document from which Mallaby got the two phrases he quotes.

Mallaby continues:

Of course, this begs a question: If Mr. Greenspan understood the danger of bubbles, why did he nonetheless permit them–even rationalizing his policy with a public insistence that the best way to deal with bubbles was to clean up after they burst?…

Since Greenspan did not understand the dangers in the mid-2000s, Mallaby is asking a false question. He then gives an answer to his false question, and it is an answer that would be greatly to Greenspan’s discredit, were it to be true:

Most of the explanation lies in the political environment…. Greenspan was a hardened Washington veteran… calculated that acting forcefully against bubbles would lead only to frustration and hostile political scrutiny. And his caution was vindicated. When he did try to rein in risk-taking—calling, for example, for restraints on the government-sponsored housing lenders—he felt the heat. The housing-industrial complex denounced him for failing to understand mortgage finance and ran devastating TV ads to deter members of Congress from supporting Mr. Greenspan’s calls for regulatory intervention.

As Mallaby paints the picture, Greenspan didn’t do what he clearly knew to be his clear job. Why not? Because he “felt the heat”. Because he was “denounced for failing to understand mortgage finance”. Plus there were those “devastating TV ads”!

All this is to set up Mallaby’s conclusion as to who are the real culprits here:

It is too easy, and too comforting, to blame Alan Greenspan’s supposed intellectual errors for the 2008 crisis…. The origins of the crisis lay not in the maestro’s failure of understanding–which would be easy to correct. Rather, it lay in the failure of our politics. Who in this electoral season would bet that we are safer now?

But this is wrong: Alan Greenspan made a bad call in the mid-2000s. Alan Greenspan was never a coward.

Must-Read: Sebastian Mallaby: The Doubts of Alan Greenspan

Must-Read: WTF?! I see Sebastian Mallaby, apparently thinking he is defending Alan Greenspan’s reputation.

He is not: he is making Greenspan appear a really bad actor indeed.

He is making Greenspan appear to be somebody who knew the dangers of the housing bubble in the mid-2000s, and let the risk of a little political heat–“devastating TV ads…”–dissuade him from doing his job.

Needless to say, I think Mallaby is way wrong here:

Sebastian Mallaby: The Doubts of Alan Greenspan:

In Jan. 2004, with house prices starting to look frothy, Mr. Greenspan repeated his warning, predicting a repeat of the tech bust…

…“It sounds as though we’re back in the late ’90s,” he worried to his colleagues. “The potential snap-back effects are large.”… Long before the 2008 crisis, he had understood the lessons that were celebrated as new insights in the wake of the crash. Of course, this begs a question: If Mr. Greenspan understood the danger of bubbles, why did he nonetheless permit them—even rationalizing his policy with a public insistence that the best way to deal with bubbles was to clean up after they burst?…

The political environment…. Greenspan was a hardened Washington veteran…. He calculated that acting forcefully against bubbles would lead only to frustration and hostile political scrutiny. And his caution was vindicated. When he did try to rein in risk-taking—calling, for example, for restraints on the government-sponsored housing lenders—he felt the heat. The housing-industrial complex denounced him for failing to understand mortgage finance and ran devastating TV ads to deter members of Congress from supporting Mr. Greenspan’s calls for regulatory intervention.

It is too easy, and too comforting, to blame Alan Greenspan’s supposed intellectual errors for the 2008 crisis…. The origins of the crisis lay not in the maestro’s failure of understanding–which would be easy to correct. Rather, it lay in the failure of our politics. Who in this electoral season would bet that we are safer now?

How Seriously Should We Take the New Keynesian Model?

Calvo pricing Google Search

Nick Rowe continues his long twilight struggle to try to take the New Keynesian-DSGE seriously, to understand what the model says, and to explain what is really going on in the New Keynesian DSGE model to the world. I said that I think this is a Sisyphean task. Let me expand on that here:

Now there is a long–and very successful–tradition in the natural sciences of taking the model that produces the right numbers seriously. Max Planck introduced a mathematical fudge in order to fit the cavity-radiation spectrum. Taking that fudge seriously produced quantum mechanics. Maxwell’s equations produced equivalent effects via two very different physical processes from moving a wire near a magnet and moving a magnet near a wire. Taking that equivalence seriously produced relativity theory.

And economists think they ought to be engaged in the same business of taking what their models say seriously. They shouldn’t. For one thing, their models don’t capture what is going on in the real world with any precision. For another, their models’ fudge factors lack hooks into possible underlying processes.

Now to business:

In the basic New Keynesian model, you see, the central bank “sets the nominal interest rate” and that, combined with the inflation rate, produces the real interest rate that people face when they use their Euler equation to decide how much less (or more) than their income they should spend. When the interest rate high, saving to spend later is expensive and so people do less of it and spend more now. When the interest rate is low, saving to spend later is cheap and so people do more of it and spend less now.

But how does the central bank “set the nominal interest rate” in practice? What does it physically (or, rather, financially) do?

¯_(ツ)_/¯

In a normal IS-LM model, there are three commodities:

  1. currently-produced goods and services,
  2. bonds, and
  3. money.

In a normal IS-LM model, the central bank raises the interest rate by selling some of the bonds it has in its portfolio for cash and burns the cash it thus collects (for cash is, remember, nothing but a nominal liability of the central bank). It thus creates an excess supply (at the previous interest rate) for bonds and an excess demand (at the previous interest rate) for cash. Those wanting to hold more cash slow down their purchases of currently-produced goods and services (thus creating an excess supply of currently produced goods and services) and sell some of their bonds (thus decreasing the excess supply of bonds). Those wanting to hold fewer bonds sell bonds for cash. Thus the interest rate rises, the flow quantity of currently-produced goods and services falls, and the sticky price of currently-produced goods and services stays where it is. Adjustment continues until supply equals demand for both money and bonds at the new equilibrium interest rate and at a new flow quantity of currently produced goods and services.

In the New Keynesian model?…

Nick Rowe: Cheshire Cats and New Keynesian Central Banks:

How can money disappear from a New Keynesian model, but the Central Bank still set a nominal rate of interest and create a recession by setting it too high?…

Ignore what New Keynesians say about their own New Keynesian models and listen to me instead. I will tell you how it is possible…. The Cheshire Cat has disappeared, but its smile remains. And its smile (or frown) has real effects. The New Keynesian model is a model of a monetary exchange economy, not a barter economy. The rate of interest is the rate of interest paid on central bank money, not on bonds. Raising the interest rate paid on money creates an excess demand for money which creates a recession. Or it makes no sense at all.

I will take “it makes no sense at all” for $2000, Alex…

Either there is a normal money-supply money-demand sector behind the model, which is brought out whenever it is wanted but suppressed whenever it raises issues that the model builders want ignored, or it makes no sense at all…

Must-Read: Paul Krugman: A General Theory Of Austerity?

Must-Read: Paul Krugman: A General Theory Of Austerity?:

as someone who was in the trenches during the US austerity fights, I was struck by how readily mainstream figures who weren’t especially right-wing in general got sucked into the notion that debt reduction was THE central issue. Ezra Klein documented this phenomenon with respect to Bowles-Simpson:

For reasons I’ve never quite understood, the rules of reportorial neutrality don’t apply when it comes to the deficit. On this one issue, reporters are permitted to openly cheer a particular set of highly controversial policy solutions. At Tuesday’s Playbook breakfast, for instance, Mike Allen, as a straightforward and fair a reporter as you’ll find, asked Simpson and Bowles whether they believed Obama would do “the right thing” on entitlements — with “the right thing” clearly meaning “cut entitlements.”

Meanwhile, as Brad Setser points out, the IMF — whose research department has done heroic work puncturing austerity theories and supporting a broadly Keynesian view of macroeconomics — is, in practice, pushing for fiscal contraction almost everywhere.

Again, this doesn’t exactly contradict Simon’s argument, but maybe suggests that there is a bit more to it.

Must-Read: Temina Madon, Karen J. Hofman, Linda Kupfer, and Roger I. Glass: Implementation Science

Must-Read: Temina Madon, Karen J. Hofman, Linda Kupfer, and Roger I. Glass: Implementation Science:

We face a formidable gap between innovations in health… and their delivery….

Nearly 14,000 people in sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia die daily from HIV, malaria, and diarrhea…. Many evidence-based innovations fail to produce results when transferred to communities… because their implementation is untested, unsuitable, or incomplete…. Insecticide-treated bed nets can prevent malaria… yet… fewer than 10% of children in 28 sub-Saharan African countries regularly slept with this protection…. The same is true of strategies to prevent mother-to-child transmission of HIV….

Why is effective implementation, particularly in resource-poor countries, such an intractable problem?… Scientists have been slow to view implementation as a dynamic, adaptive, multiscale phenomenon that can be addressed through a research agenda…. People living in poverty face a bewildering constellation of social constraints and health threats…. Recent billion-dollar increases in budgets for global health have provided only limited support for studies needed to ensure maximum impact. Instead, planners often assume that clinical research findings can be immediately translated into public health impact, simply by issuing “one-size-fits- all” clinical guidelines or best practices without engaging in systematic study of how health outcomes vary across community settings…

Must-Read: Robert Skidelsky: The Scarecrow of National Debt

Must-Read: Robert Skidelsky: The Scarecrow of National Debt:

Most people are more worried by government debt than about taxation…

Borrowing strikes them as a way of taxing by stealth. “How are they going to pay it back?” my friend asked. “Think of the burden on our children and grandchildren.”… Horror of debt is particularly marked in the elderly, perhaps out of an ancient feeling that one should not meet one’s Maker with a negative balance sheet. I should also add that my friend is extremely well educated, and had, in fact, played a prominent role in public life. But public finance is a mystery to him….

One should not attribute this gut feeling to financial illiteracy. It has been receiving strong support from those supposedly well-versed in public finance, particularly since the economic collapse of 2008. Britain’s national debt currently stands at 84% of GDP. This is dangerously near the threshold of 90% identified by Harvard economist Kenneth Rogoff, beyond which economic growth stalls.

The magical properties of this number were never properly revealed, and the data supporting the conclusion were questioned, to say the least. But Rogoff has not retreated from his claim, and he now gives a reason for his alarm. With US government debt running at 82% of GDP, the danger is of a “fast upward shift in interest rates.” The “potentially massive” fiscal costs of this could well require “significant tax and spending adjustments”… the financial leg of the familiar “crowding out” argument….

But… a government that can issue debt in its own currency can easily keep interest rates low. The rates are bounded… [but] these limits are quite distant in the UK and the US…. Continuous increases in both countries’ national debt since the crash have been accompanied by a fall in the cost of government borrowing to near zero. The other leg of the argument for reducing the national debt has to do with the “burden on future generations.”… The idea that additional government spending, whether financed by taxation or borrowing, is bound to reduce private consumption by the same amount assumes that no flow of additional income results from the extra government spending – in other words, that the economy is already at full capacity. This has not been true of most countries since 2008.  
 
But in the face of such weighty, if fallacious, testimony to the contrary, who am I to persuade my elderly friend to ignore his gut when it comes to thinking about the national debt?

Must-Read: Gene D’Avolio, Efi Gildor, and Andrei Shleifer (2001): Technology, Information Production, and Market Efficiency

Must-Read: Gene D’Avolio, Efi Gildor, and Andrei Shleifer (2001): Technology, Information Production, and Market Efficiency:

A recent study by Financial Executives International (FEI) and NYU graduate student Min Wu… associate[s] these [earnings] restatements with losses of market value of $31.2 billion in 2000, $24.2 billion in 1999, and $17.7 billion in 1998…

…The largest event involved Microstrategy (MSTR), whose stock fell by $11.9 billion over three days surrounding a revenue recognition based restatement of earnings. Two-thirds of all restatements are by Nasdaq firms. This is partly driven by the disproportionate number of restatements in the computer manufacturing and software industries. Arthur Andersen finds that these two segments accounted for 27 per- cent of all restatements from 1997 to 2000…

Must-Read: Brad Setser: The ECB on the Slowdown in Global Trade

Must-Read: Brad Setser: The ECB on the Slowdown in Global Trade:

I have long thought that China was too big an economy for manufacturing exports to account for 35 percent of its GDP…

…especially when that high level of exports relative to GDP corresponded with a large overall surplus. An adjustment that returned China to “normal” thus almost certainly would be accompanied by some form of a slowdown in global trade…. And… China’s post-crisis growth has coincided with fairly steady falls in its imports of manufactures relative to its GDP…. There is plenty of evidence that components once imported are now increasingly made in China (see for example Chapter 1 of this IMF report). Global value chains got compressed…. And imports of manufactured goods for domestic use (measured as the difference between processing imports and all manufactured imports) also seem to be sliding….

The IMF’s analysis in the new WEO chapter on trade points in a similar direction. The Fund argues that the slowdown in global trade stems mostly from a slowdown in investment… [and] China’s imports recently have fallen by a bit faster than can be explained by its model…. A lot of the story on global trade reduces to a China story, both directly, and indirectly though China’s impact on commodities. The ECB’s statistical work maps well to a set of stylized facts about the evolution of China’s trade.

Must-Read: Larry Summers: Four Things the Fed Should Do Now

Must-Read: Larry Summers: Four Things the Fed Should Do Now:

The neutral rate is now close to zero and it may well remain under 2 percent for the foreseeable future…

With the economy growing at below 2 percent over the last year, total hours of work essentially flat for the last 6 months, and with long term inflation expectations declining there is no reason to think we are currently much below the neutral rate…. [The Fed] should acknowledge at least to itself that it has damaged its credibility by repeatedly  holding out the prospects of much more tightening than the market anticipated, being ignored by the market, and then having the market turn out to be right. It should recognize output and inflation and unemployment would all be closer to their target levels today and in their forecasts if rates had not been increased last December. It should move to bring its stated plans more in line with external expectations regarding how much tightening the economy can tolerate….

The Fed should make real the idea that its inflation target is symmetric…. It should be clear that until inflation expectations look to be rising above 2 percent there is no need to restrain the economy…. The Fed should make clear that it sees risk as asymmetric right now.  If the economy falls into recession there is a real risk of a Japan scenario…. There is no great risk if inflation drifts above two percent. It might, as I have noted, actually be desirable. And if not, policy can be tightened to prevent the economy from overheating as has occurred many times in the past.

Eric Rosengren, in explaining his dissent on the decision not to raise rates in September, argues that the Fed has historically had a hard time tapping the brakes and that if the Fed has to cool off an overheated economy a recession is likely to result. I am not sure what aspect of history he has in mind here…. On occasion… recession was the price of bringing it back to desired levels.  Rosengren’s case would be made by examples where so much extra slack was induced that the economy undershot on inflation. I am not aware of such instances…. It takes a tortured argument to believe that you can prevent a car from stopping by hitting the brakes…

Must-Reads: September 30, 2016


Should Reads:

[14,000-year-old campsite in Argentina adds to an archaeological mystery: http://arstechnica.com/science/2016/09/14000-year-old-campsite-in-argentina-adds-to-an-archaeological-mystery/