Tim Duy’s Five Questions for Janet Yellen

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A very nice piece here from the very-sharp Tim Duy:

Tim Duy: Five Questions for Janet Yellen

Next week’s meeting of the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) includes a press conference with Chair Janet Yellen. These are five questions I would ask if I had the opportunity to do so in light of recent events.

(1) 1. What’s the deal with labor market conditions? You advocated for the creation of the Federal Reserve’s Labor Market Conditions Index (LMCI) to serve as a broader measure of the labor market and as an alternative to a narrow measure such as the unemployment rate. The LMCI declined for five consecutive months through May, the most recent release…. On June 6, however, you said that:

the job market has strengthened substantially, and I believe we are now close to eliminating the slack that has weighed on the labor market since the recession.

The LCMI signals that although the economy may be operating near full employment, it is now moving further away from that goal. Is it appropriate for the Fed to still be considering interest rate hikes when your measure is moving away from the goal of full employment? Or have you determined the LMCI is not a useful measure of labor market conditions?

(2) Has the effect of QE been underestimated? Since the Fed began and completed the process of ending quantitative easing (QE), the dollar has risen in value, the stock market rally has stalled, the yield curve has flattened, broader economic activity has slowed, and now we are experiencing a slowing in labor market activity. These are all traditionally signs of tighter monetary policy, but you have insisted that tapering is not tightening and that policy remains accommodative. Given these signs, is it possible or even likely that you have underestimated the effectiveness of QE and hence are now overestimating the level of financial accommodation?

(3) Optimal control or no? The Fed appears determined to hit its inflation target from below. In other words, the central bank is positioning policy to tighten despite inflation currently running below the 2 percent target in order to avoid an overshoot at a later date. In the past, however, you argued for an ‘optimal control’ approach that anticipated an explicit overshooting of the inflation target in order to more rapidly meet the Fed’s mandate of full employment. Under optimal control, it seems that given stalled progress on reducing underemployment, coupled with deteriorating labor market conditions, the Fed should now be explicitly aiming to overshoot the inflation target by keeping policy loose. Do you believe the optimal control approach you previously advocated is wrong? If so, what caused you to change your mind?

(4) An Evans Rule for all? Chicago Federal Reserve President Charles Evans remains concerned about asymmetric policy risks. Persistently below target inflation risks undermining the public’s belief that the Fed is committed to reaching its target. Such a loss of credibility hampers the ability to subsequently meet the central bank’s target. In contrast, the well-known effectiveness of traditional policy tools means there is less upside risk to inflation. Consequently, he argues for an updated version of the Evans Rule (or an earlier commitment to not hike rates as long as unemployment exceeded 6.5 percent and inflation was below 2.5 percent).
Specifically, Evans said:

In order to ensure confidence that the U.S. will get to 2 percent inflation, it may be best to hold off raising interest rates until core inflation is actually at 2 percent. The downside inflation risks seem big — losing credibility on the downside would make it all that more difficult to ever reach our inflation target. The upside risks on inflation seem smaller.

Recall that in your most recent speech you indicated unease with inflation expectations and — at least implicitly — recognized the asymmetry of policy risks:

It is unclear whether these indicators point to a true decline in those inflation expectations that are relevant for price setting; for example, the financial market measures may reflect changing attitudes toward inflation risk more than actual inflation expectations. But the indicators have moved enough to get my close attention. If inflation expectations really are moving lower, that could call into question whether inflation will move back to 2 percent as quickly as I expect.

This — especially when combined with your past support for an optimal control approach to policy — suggests that you should be amenable to adopting Evans’ position. Do you support Evans’ proposal that the Fed should stand down from rate hikes until the inflation target is reached? Why or why not?

(5) Just how much do you care about the rest of the world? Earlier this year, Federal Reserve Governor Lael Brainard suggested that the many developed economies operating at or below zero percent interest rates reduces the central bank’s capacity for raising rates:

‘Financial tightening associated with cross-border spillovers may be limiting the extent to which U.S. policy diverges from major economies…

At last September’s FOMC press conference, you said that you thought the global forces were insufficient to restrain the path of U.S. monetary policy. In response to a question about ‘global interconnectedness’ preventing the U.S. from ever moving away from zero percent interest rates, you said:

I would be very surprised if that’s the case. That is not the way I see the outlook or the way the Committee sees the outlook. Can I completely rule it out? I can’t completely rule it out. But, really, that’s an extreme downside risk that in no way is near the center of my outlook.

Given the events of the past six months — especially the refusal of longer-term U.S. Treasury yields to rise despite repeated hints of monetary tightening — have you reassessed your opinion? Do you view the risks of such an outcome as greater or lower than your assessment made last September?

Bottom Line: Most of these questions try to push Yellen to explain her past positions in light of the current data and actions. I think understanding how and why her positions change is critical to understanding how the Fed reacts to the conditions facing it. Making the so-called ‘reaction function’ clear remains the most important piece of the Fed’s communication strategy.

These five questions–“What’s the deal with labor market conditions?… Has the effect of QE been underestimated?… Optimal control or no?… An Evans Rule for all?… Just how much do you care about the rest of the world?”–are the right questions to ask. And Tim’s bottom line–“Push Yellen to explain her past positions in light of the current data and actions. I think understanding how and why her positions change is critical…. Making the so-called ‘reaction function’ clear remains the most important piece of the Fed’s communication strategy”–is the right bottom line.

After all, does this look like an economy crossing the line of potential output in an upward direction with growing and substantial gathering inflationary pressures to you?

Change in Labor Market Conditions Index FRED St Louis FedNewImage
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The Federal Reserve is simply not doing a good job of communicating its reaction function. It is not doing a good job of linking its model of the economy to current data and past events. Inflation, production, and employment (but not the unemployment rate) have been disappointingly low relative to Federal Reserve expectations for each of the past nine years. These events should have led to substantial rethinking by the Federal Reserve of its model of the economy. And yet the model set forward by Yellen and Fischer (but not Evans and Brainard) appears to be very much the model they held to in the late 1990s, which was the model they believed in in the early 1980s: very strong gearing between recent-past inflation and expected inflation, and a Phillips Curve with a pronounced slope, even with inflation very low.

Unless my Visualization of the Cosmic All is grossly wrong along the relevant dimensions, this is not the right model of the current economy. There was never good reason to think that the bulk of the runup in inflation in the 1970s was due to excessive demand pressure and unemployment below the natural rate–it was, more probably, mostly due to supply shocks plus the lack of anchored expectations. Only if you highball the estimate of the Phillips Curve’s slope for the 1970s can you understand the fall in inflation in the early 1980s as due overwhelmingly to slack, rather than ascribing a component to the reanchoring of inflation expectations. Thus the way to bet is that the economy on its current trajectory will produce less upward pressure on current inflation and also on inflation expectations than the Federal Reserve currently projects.

But how will it react when the data once again disappoints Federal Reserve expectations–as it has? In June 2013, the Fed was predicting that annual GDP growth during the 2013-2015 period would average 2.9%, with longer-run growth of real potential GDP averaging 2.4%. Instead, annual growth has averaged 2.3% (or 2.2%, if estimates for the first half of 2016 are correct). Nor did it perform better on other measures. The Fed predicted an annual inflation rate, based on the personal consumption expenditures index, of 1.9% for 2015. The true number was 1.5%. Similarly, its average projection of the federal funds rate for 2015 was 1.5%. The figure is currently 0.25%. This three-year period, starting in 2013, in which the economy undershot the Fed’s expectations, follows a three-year period in which the economy likewise fell short of the Fed’s forecast. And that period followed a three-year period, starting in 2007, in which the Fed massively understated downside deflationary risks.

Yet the prevailing model does appear to be the model of the early 1980s. It continues to gear inflation expectations at unrealistically high levels based on past inflation. And it continues to rely on the unemployment rate as a stand-in for the state of the labor market, at the expense of other indicators. So the big questions are: Will that commitment break? What would make them revise their models of the economy? And how will those model revisions affect their policy reaction function map from data to interest rates?

In an environment of economic volatility like the one in which we find ourselves today, a prudent central bank should do everything it can to raise expected and actual inflation, in order to gain the ability to stabilize the economy in any direction. If interest rates were well above zero, the Fed would have scope to raise them further in case of overheating or to lower them in response to adverse demand shocks.
But the Fed continues to neglect asymmetry, considering it only a second- or third-order phenomenon. It is not pushing for inflation at or above its target, even as optimal-control doctrines that themselves neglect asymmetry call for such a trajectory. Instead, by tightening policy by an amount that it cannot reliably gauge, it is narrowing its room for maneuver.

Looking at the current composition of the FOMC does not add to confidence:

  • On the left, Lael Brainard and Charles Evans certainly understand the situation–and have been right about almost everything they have opined on over the past eight years. Dan Tarullo shares their orientation, but these are not his issues.

  • On the right, Robert Kaplan and Patrick Harker replace hawks who were always certain, often wrong, and never open-minded–and are the products of failed searches: a job search is not supposed to choose a director of the search-consultant firm or the head of the search committee. Jeffrey Lacker and James Bullard and their staffs have been more wrong on monetary policy than the average FOMC member over the past eight years, but do not appear to have taken wrongness as a sign that their views of the economy might need a rethink. Esther George and Loretta Mester and their staffs feel the pain of a commercial banking sector in the current interest-rate environment, but I have never been convinced they understand how disastrous for commercial banks the medium- and long-term consequences of premature tightening and interest-rate liftoff would be.

  • In the neutral center, Jerome Powell does not appear to have views that differ from those of the committee as a whole. These are not Neel Kashkari’s issues: he is too good a bureaucrat to want to dissent from any consensus or near consensus on issues that are not his. And I simply do not have a read on Dennis Lockhart and his staff.

  • The active center is thus composed of Janet Yellen, Stanley Fischer, Bill Dudley, Eric Rosengren, and John Williams. Market risk and confusion is generated by uncertainty about their models of the economy, uncertainty about how they will revise their models as the data comes in, and uncertainty as to how they will react in committee, with six voices to their right calling for rapid interest-rate normalization and only three voices to their left worrying about asymmetric risks and policy traction.

When I listen to this center, one vibe I get is that the asymmetries are really not that great. Janet Yellen this March:

One must be careful, however, not to overstate the asymmetries affecting monetary policy at the moment. Even if the federal funds rate were to return to near zero, the FOMC would still have considerable scope to provide additional accommodation. In particular, we could use the approaches that we and other central banks successfully employed in the wake of the financial crisis to put additional downward pressure on long-term interest rates and so support the economy–specifically, forward guidance about the future path of the federal funds rate and increases in the size or duration of our holdings of long-term securities. While these tools may entail some risks and costs that do not apply to the federal funds rate, we used them effectively to strengthen the recovery from the Great Recession, and we would do so again if needed…

Another vibe I get is more-or-less what Bernanke said back in 2009:

The public’s understanding of the Federal Reserve’s commitment to price stability helps to anchor inflation expectations and enhances the effectiveness of monetary policy, thereby contributing to stability in both prices and economic activity…. A monetary policy strategy aimed at pushing up longer-run inflation expectations in theory… could reduce real interest rates and so stimulate spending and output. However, that theoretical argument ignores the risk that such a policy could cause the public to lose confidence in the central bank’s willingness to resist further upward shifts in inflation, and so undermine the effectiveness of monetary policy going forward. The anchoring of inflation expectations is a hard-won success that has been achieved over the course of three decades, and this stability cannot be taken for granted. Therefore, the Federal Reserve’s policy actions as well as its communications have been aimed at keeping inflation expectations firmly anchored…

I cannot help but be struck by the difference between what I see as the attitude of the current Federal Reserve, anxious not to do anything to endanger its “credibility”, and the Greenspan Fed of the late 1990s, which assumed that it had credibility and that because it had credibility it was free to experiment with policies that seemed likely to be optimal in the moment precisely because markets understood its long-term objective function and trusted it, and hence would not take short-run policy moves as indicative of long-run policy instability. There is a sense in which credibility is like a gold reserve: It is there to be drawn on and used in emergencies. The gold standard collapsed into the Great Depression in the 1930s in large part because both the Bank of France and the Federal Reserve believed that their gold reserves should never decline, but always either stay stable of increase.

And I cannot help but be struck by the inconsistency between the two vibes. The claim that we need not worry about asymmetry because we are willing to undertake radical policy experimentation fits very badly with the claim that we dare not rock the boat because the anchoring of inflation expectations on the upside is very fragile. Combine these with excessive confidence in the current model–with a tendency to make policy based on the center of the fan of projected outcomes with little consideration of how wide that fan actually is–and I find myself with much less confidence in today’s Fed than I, four years ago, thought I would have today.

Watching as the Federal Reserve juggles priceless eggs in variable gravity…

Is it necessary to say that we hold Ben Bernanke, Mervyn King, Mark Carney, Janet Yellen, Stan Fischer, Lael Brainard, and company to the highest of high standards–demand from them constant triple aerial somersaults on the trapeze–because we have the greatest respect for and confidence in them? It probably is…

Back in 1992 Larry Summers and I wrote that pushing the target inflation rate from 5% down to 2% was a very dubious and hazardous enterprise because the zero-lower bound was potentially a big deal: “The relaxation of monetary policy seen over the past three years in the United States would have been arithmetically impossible had inflation and nominal interest rates both been three percentage points lower in 1989. Thus a more vigorous policy of reducing inflation to zero in the mid-1980s might have led to a recent recession much more severe than we have in fact seen…”

This does seem, in retrospect, to have been quite possibly the smartest and most foresightful thing I have ever written. Future historians will, I think, have a very difficult time explaining how the cult of 2%/year inflation targeting got itself established in the 1990s. And they will, I think, have an even harder time explaining why the first monetary policymaker reaction to 2008-2012 was not to endorse Olivier Blanchard et al.’s call for a higher, 4%/year, inflation target in the coded terms of IMF speak:

The great moderation (Gali and Gambetti 2009) lulled macroeconomists and policymakers alike in the belief that we knew how to conduct macroeconomic policy. The crisis clearly forces us to question that assessment….

The crisis has shown that large adverse shocks do happen. Should policymakers aim for a higher target inflation rate in normal times, in order to increase the room for monetary policy to react to such shocks? Are the net costs of inflation much higher at, say, 4% than at 2%, the current target range? Is it more difficult to anchor expectations at 4% than at 2%? Achieving low inflation through central bank independence has been a historic accomplishment. Thus, answering these questions implies carefully revisiting the benefits and costs of inflation.

A related question is whether, when the inflation rate becomes very low, policymakers should err on the side of a more lax monetary policy, so as to minimize the likelihood of deflation, even if this means incurring the risk of higher inflation in the event of an unexpectedly strong pickup in demand. This issue, which was on the mind of the Fed in the early 2000s, is one we must return to…

But instead we got a very different reaction. Sudeep Reddy reported on it back in 2009:

Sudeep Reddy (2009): Sen. Vitter Presents End-of-Term Exam For Bernanke: “Earlier this month, Real Time Economics presented questions from several economists…

…for the confirmation hearing of Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke…. Sen. David Vitter (R., La.) submitted them in writing and received the responses from Bernanke….

D. Brad Delong, University of California at Berkeley and blogger: Why haven’t you adopted a 3% per year inflation target?

[Bernanke:] The public’s understanding of the Federal Reserve’s commitment to price stability helps to anchor inflation expectations and enhances the effectiveness of monetary policy, thereby contributing to stability in both prices and economic activity. Indeed, the longer-run inflation expectations of households and businesses have remained very stable over recent years. The Federal Reserve has not followed the suggestion of some that it pursue a monetary policy strategy aimed at pushing up longer-run inflation expectations.

In theory, such an approach could reduce real interest rates and so stimulate spending and output. However, that theoretical argument ignores the risk that such a policy could cause the public to lose confidence in the central bank’s willingness to resist further upward shifts in inflation, and so undermine the effectiveness of monetary policy going forward.

The anchoring of inflation expectations is a hard-won success that has been achieved over the course of three decades, and this stability cannot be taken for granted. Therefore, the Federal Reserve’s policy actions as well as its communications have been aimed at keeping inflation expectations firmly anchored.

This sounds like nothing so much as the explanations offered in the 1920s and 1930s for returning to and sticking with the gold standard at pre-WWI parities, and the explanations offered at the start of the 1990s by British Tories for sticking to the fixed parities of the then-Exchange Rate Mechanism. The short answer is that real useful positive credibility is not built by attempts to stick to policies that are in the long run destructive–and hence both incredible and stupid. As we learn more about the economy and as the structure of the economy changes, the optimal long-run policy strategy changes as well. Credibility arising from a commitment that the Federal Reserve will seek to follow an optimal long-run policy framework and to accurately convey its intentions but will revise that framework in light of knowledge and events is worth gaining and maintaining. Credibility arising from a commitment to stick, come hell or high water, to a number that Alan Greenspan essentially pulled out of the air with next to no substantive analytical backing in terms of optimal-control analysis is not.

Now, however, we have another answer from Janet Yellen: that the zero lower bound is not, in fact, such a big deal:

Janet Yellen: The Outlook, Uncertainty, and Monetary Policy: “One must be careful, however, not to overstate the asymmetries affecting monetary policy at the moment…

…Even if the federal funds rate were to return to near zero, the FOMC would still have considerable scope to provide additional accommodation. In particular, we could use the approaches that we and other central banks successfully employed in the wake of the financial crisis to put additional downward pressure on long-term interest rates and so support the economy–specifically, forward guidance about the future path of the federal funds rate and increases in the size or duration of our holdings of long-term securities.10 While these tools may entail some risks and costs that do not apply to the federal funds rate, we used them effectively to strengthen the recovery from the Great Recession, and we would do so again if needed.

Over on the Twitter Machine, the very-sharp Tim Duy–I take it from his picture that there is ample snowpack for the ski resorts in the Cascade Range–is impressed by how different the tone of this speech is with the get-ready-for-liftoff speeches of last fall:

And Dario Perkins and Mark Grady have chimed in in support: “suddenly she’s realised the rest of the world matters!…” and “lots of common messages, but emphasis v[ery] diff[erent] on the risks. And no mention of lags or falling behind the curve at all…”

I, by contrast, am still struck by the gap that remains between where she seems to be and where I am.

For there is a natural next set of questions to ask anyone who says that the zero lower bound and the liquidity trap are not big deals. That set is:

  • Then why isn’t nominal GDP on its pre-2008 trend growth path?

  • Why is the five-year ahead five-year market inflation outlook so pessimistic?

  • Why hasn’t the Federal Reserve pushed interest rates low enough so that investment as a whole counterbalances the collapse in government purchases we have seen since 2010?

Gross Domestic Product FRED St Louis Fed Graph 5 Year 5 Year Forward Inflation Expectation Rate FRED St Louis Fed FRED Graph FRED St Louis Fed

I cannot help but be struck by the difference between what I see as the attitude of the current Federal Reserve, anxious not to do anything to endanger its “credibility”, and the Greenspan Fed of the late 1990s, which assumed that it had credibility and that because it had credibility it was free to experiment with policies that seemed likely to be optimal in the moment precisely because markets understood its long-term objective function and trusted it, and hence would not take short-run policy moves as indicative of long-run policy instability. There is a sense in which credibility is like a gold reserve: It is there to be drawn on and used in emergencies. The gold standard collapsed into the Great Depression in the 1930s in large part because both the Bank of France and the Federal Reserve believed that their gold reserves should never decline, but always either stay stable of increase.

It was Mark Twain who said that although history does not repeat itself, it does rhyme. The extent to which this is true was brought home to me recently by Barry Eichengreen’s excellent Hall of Mirrors

I tell you, I have a brand new set of lectures to write for a large monetary-policy module in American Economic History…

Must-read: Janet Yellen: “The Outlook, Uncertainty, and Monetary Policy”

Must-Read: Back in 1992 Larry Summers and I wrote that pushing the target inflation rate from 5% down to 2% was a very dubious and hazardous enterprise because the zero-lower bound was potentially a big deal: “The relaxation of monetary policy seen over the past three years in the United States would have been arithmetically impossible had inflation and nominal interest rates both been three percentage points lower in 1989. Thus a more vigorous policy of reducing inflation to zero in the mid-1980s might have led to a recent recession much more severe than we have in fact seen…”

Now we have an answer from Janet Yellen: that the zero lower bound is not, in fact, such a big deal:

Janet Yellen: The Outlook, Uncertainty, and Monetary Policy: “One must be careful, however, not to overstate the asymmetries affecting monetary policy at the moment…

…Even if the federal funds rate were to return to near zero, the FOMC would still have considerable scope to provide additional accommodation. In particular, we could use the approaches that we and other central banks successfully employed in the wake of the financial crisis to put additional downward pressure on long-term interest rates and so support the economy–specifically, forward guidance about the future path of the federal funds rate and increases in the size or duration of our holdings of long-term securities.10 While these tools may entail some risks and costs that do not apply to the federal funds rate, we used them effectively to strengthen the recovery from the Great Recession, and we would do so again if needed.

The natural next question to ask then is: Then why isn’t nominal GDP on its pre-2008 trend growth path? Why is the five-year ahead five-year market inflation outlook so pessimistic? Why hasn’t the Federal Reserve pushed interest rates low enough so that investment as a whole counterbalances the collapse in government purchases we have seen since 2010?

Gross Domestic Product FRED St Louis Fed Graph 5 Year 5 Year Forward Inflation Expectation Rate FRED St Louis Fed FRED Graph FRED St Louis Fed

Must-read: Tim Duy: “Stanley Fischer and Lael Brainard Are Battling for Yellen’s Soul”

Must-Read: Tim Duy: Stanley Fischer and Lael Brainard Are Battling for Yellen’s Soul: “Stanley Fischer sits on Chair Janet Yellen’s left shoulder, muttering:

…we may well at present be seeing the first stirrings of an increase in the inflation rate…

Fed Governor Lael Brainard perches on the right, whispering:

…there are risks around this baseline forecast, the most prominent of which lie to the downside.

Yellen is caught in a tug of war between Fischer and Brainard. At stake is the Fed chair’s willingness to embrace a policy stance that accepts the risk that inflation will overshoot the U.S. central bank’s target. At the moment, Brainard has the upper hand in this battle. And she has a new weapon on her side: increasing concerns about the stability of inflation expectations….

Fischer’s not alone. In his group sit Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco President John Williams, Kansas City Fed President Esther George, and Cleveland Fed President Loretta Mester. And Yellen is believed to be reasonably sympathetic to this camp. She’s repeatedly voiced her support of a Phillips curve view of the world—or the idea that, after accounting for the temporary impacts of a strong U.S. dollar and weak oil, inflation will rise as unemployment rates fall…. Indeed, a Phillips curve view is fairly common among monetary policymakers….

So, given the Phillips curve framework’s consistency among policymakers, why delay further rate hikes?… The challenge for further rate hikes is that recent financial instability has exposed the downside risks to the forecast… New York Fed President William Dudley, Philadelphia Fed President Patrick Harker, and Boston Fed President Eric Rosengren…. Financial instability certainly gives the Fed reason to stand still this week. And it gives reason for the Fed to continue to be cautious…

Must-Read: Mark Thoma: Why It’s Tricky for Fed Officials to Talk Politically

Must-Read: I would beg the highly-esteemed Mark Thoma to draw a distinction here between “inappropriate” and unwise. In my view, it is not at all inappropriate for Fed Chair Janet Yellen to express her concern about excessive inequality. Previous Fed Chairs, after all, have expressed their liking for inequality as an essential engine of economic growth over and over again over the past half century–with exactly zero critical snarking from the American Enterprise Institute for trespassing beyond the boundaries of their role.

But that it is not inappropriate for Janet Yellen to do so does not mean that it is wise. Mark’s argument is, I think, that given the current political situation it is unwise for Janet to further incite the ire of the nutboys in the way that even the mildest expression of concern about rising inequality will do.

That may or may not be true. I think it is not.

But I do not think that bears on my point that Michael R. Strain’s arguments that Janet Yellen’s speech on inequality was inappropriate are void, wrong, erroneous, inattentive to precedent, shoddy, expired, expired, gone to meet their maker, bereft of life, resting in peace, pushing up the daisies, kicked the bucket, shuffled off their mortal coil, run down the curtain, and joined the bleeding choir invisible:

Mark Thoma: Why It’s Tricky for Fed Officials to Talk Politically: “I think I disagree with Brad DeLong…

…Should speeches by Federal Reserve officials be limited to topics concerning monetary policy and financial stability, or should they be free to speak on any topic, no matter how politically charged it might be? It’s an important question as the Fed prepares to announce next week what’s looking like a significant change in its eight-year policy of zero-perecent interest rates.
Fed Chair Janet Yellen, for example, was sharply criticized for a speech last year highlighting what economists know about rising inequality and what might be done to overcome it.
This speech, which Yellen gave in October 2014, is still creating controversy. This week, it erupted again when UC Berkeley economist Brad DeLong defended Yellen against the charge that she’s a ‘partisan hack,’ a description in the headline of a Washington Post story by Michael Strain after Yellen’s speech…

Inequality, technocracy, utility, and the Federal Reserve

Storify: Inequality, Technocracy, Utility, and the Federal Reserve: A Short Twitter Dialogue on Various Matters of Moral Philosophy, or, IT’S OK FOR THE FED CHAIR TO TALK ABOUT INEQUALITY!!!!

Must-Read: Tim Duy: And That’s a Wrap

Must-Read: The principal question the Federal Reserve should be discussing right now is: When the next adverse macro economic shock comes, the Fed needs to be in a position to cut the federal funds rate by up to 500 basis points. What should we be doing now to create an economy as fast as possible that is strong enough to allow for such a federal funds rate? Yet I am seeing no chatter around this question at all. Perhaps the silence is simply a consensus of despair?

Tim Duy: And That’s a Wrap: “The service sector number continues to bounce around a respectable range…

…A bit less so for… manufacturing…. The Fed is betting that a.) this data is noisy and b.) that the service sector is much, much more important to the economy than manufacturing and c.) some of the weakness in manufacturing will be alleviated as the oil/gas drilling and export drag soften over the next year in relative terms. Speaking of exports, the trade report came with a larger-than-expected deficit, a factor that added another hit to GDP nowcasting…. The Atlanta Federal Reserve Bank’s GDPnow indicator is currently tracking at 1.5%…. No fear, though… Janet Yellen… highlighted total real private domestic final purchases as the number to watch:

Growth this year has been held down by weak net exports…. By contrast, total real private domestic final purchases (PDFP)… has increased at an annual rate of 3 percent this year….

That sent everyone to FRED (the code is LB0000031Q020SBEA)…. When they search through the data for the happy numbers, you know they are looking to hike. Indeed, the clear takeaway from Yellen’s speech was that a rate hike was coming….

We are now well beyond the issue of the first rate hike. The new questions are how gradual will ‘gradual’ be and when will the Fed begin widening down the balance sheet…. Federal Reserve Governor Lyle Brainard argued to hold the balance sheet at current levels until interest rates are sufficient to provide a cushion for the next recession…. Brainard knows she has lost the battle to forestall the first rate hike further and has now chosen to stake out a position on one of the next big issues…. The pace of subsequent tightening, the normalization–or not–of the balance sheet, and the countdown to the next easing are all issues now on the table.

Marginal Notes on Janet Yellen’s Footnote 14

The answer to the last point Janet Yellen makes in her famous Footnote 14 is:

  • If is indeed the case that targeting an inflation rate of 4%/year “stretch[es] the meaning of ‘stable prices’ in the Federal Reserve Act”, then targeting an inflation rate of 2%/year does not stretch the meaning of but rather eliminates the “maximum employment” objective in the Federal Reserve Act. Congress has left the Federal Reserve freedom to deal as best as it can with an imperfect world in which all of the statutory objectives cannot be achieved perfectly. It is the Fed’s choice how to balance.

The answers to her other points are:

  • If it is indeed that case that “changing the FOMC’s long-run inflation objective would risk calling into question the FOMC’s commitment to stabilizing inflation at any level…” failing to change does not risk but does call into question the FOMC’s commitment to maximum employment and to financial stability as well.

  • If it is indeed that case that “it is not obvious that a modestly higher target rate of inflation would have greatly increased the Federal Reserve’s ability to support real activity…” it is still the case that a higher inflation target allows the Federal Reserve to achieve the same degree of monetary ease measured in terms of real interest rates without putting nearly as much adverse and unfortunate pressure on the commercial banking system’s finances. A Federal Reserve that seeks–as it should–to both use monetary policy to support increased real activity as well as avoid putting undue destructive pressure on the commercial banking sector should welcome the additional sea room provided by a higher inflation target, even if the benefits from lower real interest rates in terms of supporting real activity are only modest.

  • If it is indeed the case that the Federal Reserve is confident that it can “use large-scale asset purchases and other unconventional tools to mitigate the costs arising from the ELB constraint…” the Federal Reserve is unique in being the only organization of economists that possesses such confidence.

  • And, last, it is indeed the case that the “earlier analyses of ELB costs” that underpinned the decision to adopt 2%/year as an inflation target “significantly underestimated the likelihood of severe recessions and slow recoveries of the sort recently experienced…” A policy choice substantially based on the wrong assumptions is highly likely to be exchanged at some point for one based on the right assumptions. And the sooner the shift is made, the better–both in terms of avoiding the costs of having bad policy, and avoiding the costs of uncertainty and lack of credibility generated by claiming a credible commitment to permanently pursue a not-very-credible policy.

Janet Yellen: Footnote 14: “Blanchard, Dell’Ariccia and Mauro (2010), among others…

…have recently suggested that central banks should consider raising their inflation targets, on the grounds that conditions since the financial crisis have demonstrated that monetary policy is more constrained by the effective lower bound (ELB) on nominal interest rates than was originally estimated. Ball (2013), for example, has proposed 4 percent as a more appropriate target for the FOMC. While it is certainly true that earlier analyses of ELB costs significantly underestimated the likelihood of severe recessions and slow recoveries of the sort recently experienced in the United States and elsewhere (see Chung and others, 2012), it is also the case that these analyses did not take into account central banks’ ability to use large-scale asset purchases and other unconventional tools to mitigate the costs arising from the ELB constraint.

In addition, it is not obvious that a modestly higher target rate of inflation would have greatly increased the Federal Reserve’s ability to support real activity in the special conditions that prevailed in the wake of the financial crisis, when some of the channels through which lower interest rates stimulate aggregate spending, such as housing construction, were probably attenuated. Beyond these tactical considerations, however, changing the FOMC’s long-run inflation objective would risk calling into question the FOMC’s commitment to stabilizing inflation at any level because it might lead people to suspect that the target could be changed opportunistically in the future. If so, then the key benefits of stable inflation expectations discussed below–an increased ability of monetary policy to fight economic downturns without sacrificing price stability–might be lost.

Moreover, if the purpose of a higher inflation target is to increase the ability of central banks to deal with the severe recessions that follow financial crises, then a better strategic approach might be to rely on more vigorous supervisory and macroprudential policies to reduce the likelihood of such events. Finally, targeting inflation in the vicinity of 4 percent or higher would stretch the meaning of ‘stable prices’ in the Federal Reserve Act…