Hoisted from the 2007 Archives: Clueless Brad DeLong Was Clueless: Central Banking and the Great Moderation

Hoisted from the 2007 Archives: Wow! I had no clue in mid-2007 what was about to come down.

I had no idea of how the money-center universal banks had exposed themselves to housing derivatives, how strongly the right-wing noise machine would lobby against the Federal Reserve’s undertaking its proper lender-of-last-resort job, or how hesitant and ineffective the Federal Reserve would turn out to be in the summer and fall of 2008:

Central Banking and the Great Moderation http://www.bradford-delong.com/2007/07/central-banking.html: http://www.businessday.co.za/articles/topstories.aspx?ID=BD4A507305 IT HAS been 20 years since Alan Greenspan became chairman of the US Federal Reserve. The years since then have seen the fastest global average income growth rate of any generation, as well as remarkably few outbreaks of mass unemployment-causing deflation or wealth-destroying inflation. Only Japan’s lost decade-and-a-half and the hardships of the transition from communism count as true macroeconomic catastrophes of a magnitude that was depressingly common in earlier decades. This “great moderation” was not anticipated when Greenspan took office.

US fiscal policy was then thoroughly deranged — much more so than it is now. India appeared mired in stagnation. China was growing, but median living standards were not clearly in excess of those of China’s so-called “golden years” of the early 1950s, after land redistribution and before forced collectivisation turned the peasantry into serfs. European unemployment had just taken another large upward leap, and the “socialist” countries were so incompatible with rational economic development that their political systems would collapse within two years. Latin America was stuck in its own lost decade after the debt crisis at the start of the 1980s.

Of course, the years since 1987 have not been without big macroeconomic shocks. America’s stock market plummeted for technical reasons that year. Saddam Hussein’s invasion of Kuwait in 1991 shocked the world oil market. Europe’s fixed exchange rate mechanism collapsed in 1992. The rest of the decade was punctuated by the Mexican peso crisis of 1994, the east Asian crisis of 1997-98, and troubles in Brazil, Turkey, and elsewhere, and the new millennium began with the collapse of the dotcom bubble in 2000 and the economic fallout from the terrorist attacks of September 11 2001.

So far, none of these events — aside from Japan starting in the early 1990s and the failures of transition in the lands east of Poland — has caused a prolonged crisis. Economists have proposed three explanations for why macroeconomic catastrophes have not caused more human suffering over the past generation. First, some economists argue that we have just been lucky, because there has been no structural change that has made the world economy more resilient.

Second, central bankers have finally learned how to do their jobs. Before 1985, according to this theory, central bankers switched their objectives from year to year. One year, they might seek to control inflation, but the previous year they sought to reduce unemployment, and next year they might try to lower the government’s debt refinancing costs, and the year after that they might worry about keeping the exchange rate at whatever value their political masters preferred.

The lack of far-sighted decision-making on the part of central bankers meant that economic policy lurched from stop to go; to accelerate to slow down. When added to the normal shocks that afflict the world economy, this source of destabilising volatility created the unstable world before 1987 that led many to wonder why somebody like Greenspan would want the job.

The final explanation is that financial markets have calmed down. Today, the smart money in financial markets takes a long-term view that asset prices are for the most part rational expectations of discounted future fundamental values. Before 1985, by contrast, financial markets were overwhelmingly dominated by the herd behaviour of short-term traders, people who sought not to identify fundamentals, but to predict what average opinion would expect average opinion to be, and to predict it before average opinion did.

When I examine these issues, I see no evidence in favour of the first theory. Our luck has not been good since 1985. On the contrary, I think our luck — measured by the magnitude of the private sector and other shocks that have hit the global economy — has, in fact, been relatively bad. Nor do I see any evidence at all in favour of the third explanation. It would be nice if our financial markets were more rational than those of previous generations. But I don’t see any institutional changes that have made them so.

So my guess is that we would be well-advised to put our money on the theory that our central bankers today are more skilled, more far-sighted, and less prone to either short-sightedly jerking themselves around or being jerked around by political masters who unpredictably change the objectives they are supposed to pursue year after year. Long may this state of affairs continue.

And Felix Salmon had little clue either:

Felix Salmon (2007): Subprime Mess: It’s Not Derivatives’ Fault: “I’m sure it’s been happening a lot in idle conversation… http://www.bradford-delong.com/2007/07/subprime-mess-i.html

…but it’s still disheartening to see it happening in on the front page of a WSJ section: confusing illiquidity problems in the subprime market with more theoretical worries about derivatives…. Scott Patterson… should know better, in his Ahead of the Tape column….

There is no indication whatsoever here that Patterson understands that the illiquid securities which are causing so much trouble in the “subprime-mortgage crackup” aren’t derivatives…. CDOs are securities–not derivatives–which are very, very rarely traded. As a result, they’re often “marked to model” rather than being marked to market. That seems to be the problem that Patterson’s column is concerned about, and it’s silly for him to be complaining about derivatives in this regard.

It’s true that the troubled Bear Stearns funds did invest in some derivatives–mainly bets on the direction of the ABX.HE index of subprime bonds. Those investments rose and fell in value very transparently, and were by far the easiest part of the Bear portfolio to unwind. So let’s not start blaming illiquid derivatives for Bear Stearns’ problems. Right now, illiquid derivatives are the least of anybody’s problems…

Must- and Should-Reads: July 3, 2017


Interesting Reads:

Should-Read: Doruk Cengiz, Arindrajit Dube, Attila Lindner, and Ben Zipperer: The effect of minimum wages on the total number of jobs: Evidence from the United States using a bunching estimator

Should-Read: Doruk Cengiz, Arindrajit Dube, Attila Lindner, and Ben Zipperer: The effect of minimum wages on the total number of jobs: Evidence from the United States using a bunching estimator: “We estimate the total impact of the minimum wage on a ected employment by comparing the excess number of jobs just above the new minimum wage… http://www.sole-jole.org/17722.pdf

…following an increase to the reduction in the number of jobs below the minimum. Using variation in state minimum wages in the United States between 1979 and 2016, we find that, on average, the number of missing jobs paying below the new minimum during the five years following implementation closely matches the excess number of jobs paying just above minimum. This leaves the overall number of low-wage jobs essentially unchanged, while raising average earnings of workers below those thresholds.

The confidence intervals from our primary specification rule out minimum wage elasticities of total employment below -0.06, which includes estimates from the existing literature. These bunching estimates are robust to a wide set of assumption about patterns of unobserved heterogeneity such as regional differences or state-specific trends, measurement error in reported wages, and the precise definition of the wage band used in the bunching approach. Our estimates for the subset of minimum wage changes that affect a large share of workers are similar to the main estimates.

We also provide estimates for specific demographic groups that are policy-relevant or studied in the literature including: teens, women, workers without a college degree, women, and black/Hispanic workers. While the affected share of these groups vary considerably, the overall employment effect in each case is small and there is no evidence for substantial labor-labor substitution. We also do not find evidence for substitution away from routine-task intensive occupations. In contrast to the bunching-based estimates, we show that studies that estimate minimum wage effects on total employment can produce misleading inference due to spurious changes in employment higher up in the wage distribution…

Should-Read: Martin Sandbu: The minimum wage wars are heating up

Should-Read: Martin Sandbu: The minimum wage wars are heating up: “The best thing Seattle could do now is to push ahead with its full experiment… https://www.ft.com/content/365f7e10-5d72-11e7-b553-e2df1b0c3220

…while gathering data on workers (not just jobs), and then examining the extent to which real individuals the policy was meant to help have indeed been helped or hurt. Look again at the Seattle area’s overall labour market outcomes. If this is what the nasty effects of aggressive minimum wage rises look like, they are rather an encouragement to do more and more widely…

Must-Read: Jay C. Shambaugh: On Twitter: Slowing Inflation

Must-Read: If you told me that the Federal Reserve had a 1.5%/year core PCE chain index inflation target, I would believe you:

Jay C Shambaugh on Twitter More evidence of slowing inflation lately core pce prices up just 0 1 p p in May 12 month change 1 4 down from 1 6 in 12 months prior https t co cnuSyf4ycB

In retrospect (as it was for some of us in prospect), the Federal Reserve’s decision in mid-2013 to switch from signaling that it had a bias toward further easing to a bias toward tightening, and that investors should plan to see a major tightening cycle soon, was clearly wrong. And I still see no rationale for sticking with the policy of continuing to signal that the Federal Reserve has a bias toward tightening, and that investors should plan to see a major tightening cycle soon:

Jay C. Shambaugh: On Twitter: Slowing Inflation: “More evidence of slowing inflation lately: core pce prices up just 0.1 p.p. in May. 12 month change 1.4% (down from 1.6% in 12 months prior…” https://twitter.com/JayCShambaugh/status/880804850002526208

Must-Read: Ezra Klein: Conservatives believe Medicaid is worthless, so slashing it is harmless. They’re wrong

Must-Read: I don’t think any—statistically literate—conservatives believe Medicaid is worthless. Statistically illiterate ones may, and there may be many people who have taken great care to maintain their statistical illiteracy. But the truest core argument—if, as Thomas Hobbes once translated Thoukydides, “the least in speech”—is not that Medicaid is worthless, but that the lives of those who need Medicaid are worth little, and not worth spending public money on. They may say that they believe the first—that Medicaid is worthless. But that, I believe, is, for the statistically literate and for those who have worked hard to remain statistically illiterate, pretense: what they believe is that the lives of those who need Medicaid are worth little.

Ezra Klein: Conservatives believe Medicaid is worthless, so slashing it is harmless. They’re wrong: “Expanding Medicaid saves lives at a cost of $327,000 to $867,000 per life saved… https://www.vox.com/health-care/2017/6/29/15885796/medicaid-senate-gop-health-bill-benefits-bcra

…it’s worth noting that “other public policies that reduce mortality have been found to average $7.6 million per life saved,” making Medicaid a comparative bargain. Nor are lives saved the only measure by which health insurance improves well-being…. security that you can afford medical treatment… a profound effect on psychological well-being… lift[ing] an elemental fear that hangs over daily life…. Medicaid enrollees really, really like Medicaid. A 2015 Gallup poll found that 75 percent of Medicaid enrollees were satisfied with the system—a satisfaction rate that bested enrollees in employer-sponsored insurance….

We don’t have studies measuring the effect of consistent health insurance over 10 or 20 or 30 years. We don’t know how many lives that kind of access to the medical system saves, nor how much disability it prevents, nor how much pain it eases, nor how much psychological comfort it offers. But the patients who qualify for Medicaid expansions are the patients least likely to have regular, long-term health insurance in the absence of Medicaid coverage, and so they’re the patients most likely to benefit from the payoffs of consistency, whatever those payoffs might be….

I’m very sympathetic to arguments that medical care is overvalued, and that in practice, it does less good than we hope…. But these dynamics affect all of us—Medicaid is just better studied…. The proper response to these arguments is to do a better job assessing which medical treatments work and which don’t, not to simply take health insurance away from poor people….

Let’s say you still think Medicaid is a worthless program…. Then what?… What you wouldn’t do is what the Better Care Reconciliation Act does: offer people making below-poverty wages insurance plans with $6,000 deductibles—insurance that is too expensive for them to actually use—while plowing the savings into a large capital gains tax cut for the richest Americans…

Ph’nglui mglw’nafh Cthulhu R’lyeh wgah’nagl fhtagn! Y’ai’ng’ngah Yog-Sothoth h’ee-l’geb fai throdog aaah!

Must-Read: Ezra Klein: It turns out the liberal caricature of conservatism is correct

Must-Read: as Eric Rauchway says, Ezra Klein is now shrill. But Ezra understates the problem. Note that there are now very, very few Republican health-care policy experts releasing their own—truly conservative—plans, or criticizing the current plan for not achieving sensible conservative goals. The radio silence from those who should be doing the heavy lifting on GOP-conservative health policy thinking is near total, and is deafening:

Ezra Klein: It turns out the liberal caricature of conservatism is correct: “It’s depressing. But it’s true: Marc Thiessen, the George W. Bush speechwriter… is aghast at the Senate GOP’s health care bill… https://www.vox.com/policy-and-politics/2017/6/29/15892504/liberal-caricature-conservatism-correct

…“Paying for a massive tax cut for the wealthy with cuts to health care for the most vulnerable Americans is morally reprehensible,” he says. “If Republicans want to confirm every liberal caricature of conservatism in a single piece of legislation, they could do no better than vote on the GOP bill in its current form.” But at what point do we admit that this isn’t the liberal caricature of conservatism? It’s just … conservatism….

Republicans had long promised the country a repeal-and-replace plan that offered better coverage at lower cost, [but] the House GOP’s health care bill cut hundreds of billions of dollars in taxes for the rich and paid for it by gutting health care spending on the poor. It was widely criticized and polled terribly. Senate Republicans responded by releasing a revised health care bill that also cut hundreds of billions of dollars in taxes for the rich and paid for it by gutting health care spending on the poor. It has also been widely criticized, and it also is polling terribly. Donald Trump, who ran on a platform of covering everyone with better health insurance than they get now, has endorsed both bills.

Republicans, in other words, have repeatedly broken their promises and defied public opinion in order to release health care bills that cut spending on the poorest Americans to fund massive tax cuts for the richest Americans. (The Tax Policy Center estimates that 44.6 percent of the Senate bill’s tax cuts go to households making more than $875,000.) If they would simply stop doing that, their health care problems would vanish: They could craft a bill that would rebuild the health care system around more conservative principles and do so without triggering massive coverage losses. But at some point, we need to take them at their word: This is what they believe, and they are willing to risk everything—their reputations, their congressional majorities, and Donald Trump’s presidency—to get it done.

And it’s not just health policy. Though Trump said he would raise taxes on people like himself during the campaign, the tax reform plan he released amounted to a massive tax cut for the richest Americans. That cut will ultimately have to be paid for, and because Republicans refuse to increase taxes to close deficits, and because they support increasing spending on the military, the only plausible way to pay for their tax cuts will be by slashing programs that serve the poor and/or the elderly. (This isn’t just hypothetical: Trump’s budget relies on massive cuts to programs that serve the poor.)

Like Thiessen, I want to see a better, more decent conservatism drive the Republican Party. I don’t want to believe that this is the bottom line of GOP policy thinking. But this is clearly the bottom line of GOP policy thinking.

Ph’nglui mglw’nafh Cthulhu R’lyeh wgah’nagl fhtagn! Y’ai’ng’ngah Yog-Sothoth h’ee-l’geb fai throdog aaah!

Must- and Should-Reads: June 28, 2017


Interesting Reads:

After Piketty: Capital in the Twenty-First Century, Three Years Later

Introduction to: After Piketty: The Research Program Starting from Thomas Piketty’s Capital in the Twenty-First Century http://delong.typepad.com/2016-08-31-piketty-volume-intro_hb052516.pdf

Thomas Piketty’s Capital in the Twenty-First Century is an astonishing, surprise bestseller.

Its enormous mass audience speaks to the urgency with which so many wish to hear about and participate in the political-economic conversation regarding this Second Gilded Age in which we in the Global North now find ourselves enmeshed.1 C21’s English-language translator Art Goldhammer reports (this volume) that there are now 2.2 million copies of the book scattered around the globe in 30 different languages. Those 2.2 million copies cannot and should not but have an impact. They ought to shift the spirit of the age into another, different channel: post-Piketty, the public-intellectual debate over inequality, economic policy, and equitable growth ought to focus differently. We have assembled our authors and edited their papers to highlight what we, at least, believe economists should study After Piketty as they use the book to trigger more of a focus on what is relevant and important.

Link to: After Piketty: The Agenda for Economics and Inequality

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