Must-Read: Jonathan A. Parker et al.: Consumer Spending and the Economic Stimulus Payments of 2008

Must-Read: Jonathan A. Parker et al. (2011): Consumer Spending and the Economic Stimulus Payments of 2008:

Oon average, households spent about 12-30%… of their stimulus payments on nondurable expenditures during the three-month period in which the payments were received…..

There was also a substantial and significant increase in spending on durable goods, in particular vehicles, bringing the average total spending response to about 50-90% of the payments. Relative to research on the 2001 tax rebates, these spending responses are estimated with greater precision using the randomized timing variation. The estimated responses are substantial and significant for older, lower-income, and home-owning households. We find little evidence that the propensity to spend varies with the method of disbursement (paper check versus electronic transfer).

Must-Read: Barry Eichengreen: Airing the IMF’s Dirty Laundry

Must-Read: Barry Eichengreen: Airing the IMF’s Dirty Laundry:

The IMF established an Independent Evaluation Office (IEO) to undertake arm’s-length assessments of its policies and programs…

Self-serving claims were in the interest of European officials, but why was the IMF prepared to accept them? One answer is that European governments are large shareholders in the Fund. Another is that the IMF is a predominantly European institution, with a European managing director, a heavily European staff, and a European culture. The report… criticize[s] the Fund for acquiescing to European resistance to debt restructuring by Greece in 2010. It criticizes the IMF for setting ambitious targets for fiscal consolidation… but underestimating austerity’s damaging economic effects…. The report rejects claims that the IMF was effectively a junior member of the Troika, insisting that all decisions were made by consensus. But that is difficult to square with everything we know about the fateful decision not to restructure Greece’s debt. IMF staff favored restructuring, but the European Commission and the ECB, which put up two-thirds of the money, ultimately had their way. He who has the largest wallet speaks with the loudest voice. In other words, there are different roads to “consensus.” The Fund encountered the same problem in 2008, when it insisted on currency devaluation as part of an IMF-EU program for Latvia….

The implication is that the IMF should not participate in a program to which it contributes only a minority share of the finance. But expecting the IMF to provide majority funding implies the need to expand its financial resources…. And was the ECB even on the right side of the table in these European debt discussions? When negotiating with a country, the IMF ordinarily demands conditions of its government and central bank. In its programs with Greece, Ireland, and Portugal, however, the IMF and the central bank demanded conditions of the government. This struck more than a few people as bizarre.
It would have been better if, in 2010, the IMF had demanded of the ECB a pledge “to do whatever it takes” and a program of “outright monetary transactions,” like those ECB President Mario Draghi eventually offered two years later…. Nothing prevents the IMF from demanding policy commitments from regional bodies when lending to their member governments…

Must-Reads: August 12, 2016


Should Reads:

Must-Read: Paul Krugman: The State of Macro Is Sad

Must-Read: Let me add +∞ to one of the things Paul Krugman says here: every paper should be required to come with a five-page discussion by Olivier Blanchard.

Paul Krugman: The State of Macro Is Sad:

Olivier Blanchard has a characteristically informed, lucid essay…

What strikes me is just how sad a portrait he offers of the state of macroeconomic theory…. A modeling approach is truly useful… [when we find] surprising successful predictions…. The theory of a natural rate of unemployment got a big boost when the Phillips curve turned into clockwise spirals, as predicted, during the stagflation of the 1970s…. Economists who knew and still took seriously good old-fashioned Hicksian IS-LM type analysis made some strong predictions after the financial crisis that were very much at odds with what lay commentators, and quite a few economists, were saying… [and] that came to pass. Those of us who knew our Hicks, directly or indirectly, seem to have had a real advantage over those who didn’t.

Can you say anything comparable about DSGE?… DSGE… crowd[ed] out the stuff that actually did work…. DSGE [was] substituting for, [and] in fact, preventing the [successful] ad hoc approach. And most macro papers aren’t published along with insightful discussions by Olivier Blanchard! There is a real loss and cost here. So what is the gain from this style of modeling? Olivier offers some awfully weak tea:

DSGE models can fulfill an important need in macroeconomics, that of offering a core structure around which to build and organize discussions.

Really? That’s the point of a paradigm that has taken over the field? It sounds, by the way, exactly like the defenses I heard of academic Marxism when I was young: never mind whether it’s right, it provides a framework. Now, I don’t know how to reform all of this. There is a huge amount of sunk intellectual capital in this modeling approach. But at the very least we should admit to ourselves how very sad the whole story has become.

I remember my… second, I think, year of graduate school, when Olivier was teaching Econ 2410. He covered one of Ed Prescott’s papers on… a Wednesday, I think. And Prescott came through Cambridge presenting the paper the following Monday. In terms of the quality of the presentation–whether people after attending it understood (a) what the important conclusions of the paper were, (b) what the relationship was between the assumptions and the modeling strategy on the one hand and the important conclusions on the other, and (c) why the subject was interesting–there was no comparison. Now if only I could remember which Prescott paper it was… I would have to see a copy of the 1982-83 and 1983-84 2410 syllabus to know for sure…

Hurdle Rates for Public Infrastructure and Private Investment: How Low Should We Go? Under 2% Real in Normal Times, and Still Lower Now

Matthew Yglesias tweeted:

I responded:

Then Matt challenged:

And I think: Gee, if I rise to this, like a moth to the flame, then Chris Shea of http://vox.com–to whom I owe 3000 overdue words on trade, manufacturing, politics, NAFTA, China’s accession to the WTO, and TPP–will be really annoyed that I am letting Matt Yglesias be a higher priority assignment editor than him.

I need to lie down until the desire to respond to Matt goes away, and then get up on things that have, you know, deadlines in the past…

Didn’t work…

Forbidden Planet Images of Krell Technology

We have a pretty good theory of how we ought to make decisions under uncertainty. It is, in fact, the same as our pretty good theory of how we ought to make decisions for society as a whole…

Let’s take the individual-uncertainty version first:

We exist behind a veil of ignorance: We do not know what the future will bring. We can, say, slice the future into 10,000 different 0.01% probability chunks, in each of which we would be different. Maybe only one of those 10,000 will actually happen, and the rest are unreal shadows produced only by our ignorance. Maybe (this is version I prefer) all 10,000 of them “exist” and will “occur”, as they are different branches of the quantum wave function of the multiverse, with each having wave-function amplitude that is the appropriate complex square root of 0.0001. (But the answer to the question of which appears to be unknowable. And which is “true” makes no difference.)

In deciding to take action X today, we are, given the uncertainties, doing something to benefit some of our 10,000 future selves and penalize others. We have some sort of obligation to our future selves, either because it makes us happy to sacrifice some of our present comfort for the sake of our future selves or because we wish to be people who are not total a–holes. (Again, it makes no difference.)

Do we take action X?

The economists’ theory tells us that if the effects on our 10,000 future selves generated by action X are unsystematic–if the variance of the effects over our 10,000 future selves is of the kind that can be diversified away–we should just care about the average effect. Thus we should take action X if the average effect is such that we would judge it worthwhile if we knew that the average effect would occur with certainty.

The economists’ theory further tells us that if the variability of the effects on our 10,000 future selves is systematic–that it tends to make those of our future selves who are relatively poor even poorer, and those who are relatively rich even richer–then we should aggregate the effects on our 10,000 future selves with an egalitarian bias: It makes little difference to our aggregation calculation if action X takes an extra dollar away from a future self with a lifetime income 90% and gives one to one with 110% of the future-self average. But by the time the consequences of our actions are taking wealth away from future selves with 30% and giving them to future selves with 170% of the average–then we need to incorporate a risk premium into our calculations.

And here comes punchline one: The effects of government interventions in infrastructure are about as systematic as are corporate business investments. The two, after all, are very strong complements. If the value of private sector goods produced is lower, the value of the infrastructure that enables the efficient production of those private sector goods is lower as well. If the value of infrastructure is high, that can only be because it is greatly assisting in the production and distribution of high-value goods. Tyler is right in asserting that the hurdle rate for government infrastructure and private sector investments should be roughly the same.

But–and here comes punchline two–Tyler goes wrong in asserting that the price charged by savers to fund private sector corporate investments is the right price from society’s point of view, and the price charged the government for borrowing is the wrong price to use to calculate the common hurdle rate for public infrastructure and private investments

Think of it: Neither government investments in infrastructure nor private sector investments in physical capital are that systematic as far as their risk his concert. And, at least on the scale at which we are currently investing, we are much closer to the 90% – 110% case than to the 30%-170% case. The average return required should therefore be governed by:

  • pure time preference,
  • the speed with which are wealth is increasing, and
  • the degree to which increasing wealth satiates us.

I see few signs that we are at the stage where increasing wealth satiates us to any strong degree. The speed with which our wealth is increasing is a per capita rate of about 1.5% per year. And as for pure time preference–well, from a social choice point of view, such a thing can only be irrational myopia. Your future self has the same philosophical and moral standing that your present self does: there is no compelling reason to prefer the interests of the one over the interests of the other. There is force majeur–your present self is here and now and has its mits on the stuff and controls what happens–but that is not a principal of moral but rather of immoral philosophy. In fact, there is an evolutionary-morality point working in the other direction, if you believe in any form of evolutionary morality. (You don’t have to.) Just because your present self happens to come first and time does not produce a moral principle that the interests of later-comers should be sacrificed to its selfish hedonistic pleasures.

Thus I, at least, find there to be a very strong and not yet refuted by anyone case that the presumption should be for a very low hurdle rate, from a social choice point of view at least. That low hurdle rate should apply to both government infrastructure and to private corporate investments. Claims that a higher hurdle rate is in some sense optimal or appropriate seem to me implausible, and to require very hard argumentative work for plausibility that has not yet been done.

What is this hurdle rate? I think you have to start from the rate of growth of per capita income, and make adjustments up and down from there: 1.5% per year in real terms. That is punchline two.

Why, then, does the financial system of a modern capitalist market economy grind out not a 1.5% per year real interest rate for risky private corporate investments? Why does it grind out a 5% per year rate for β=1 investments? Good question!

In my view, the answer is threefold. The market grinds out a wrong 5%/year rather than the right 1.5%/year because:

  1. Modern capitalist financial markets do a horrible job at mobilizing the potential systematic risk-bearing capacity of society as a whole.
  2. Modern capitalist financial markets singularly fail to solve the enormous moral-hazard and adverse-selection asymmetric-information problems involved in trusting your money to Steve Ballmer or Jamie Dimon–let alone Dick Fuld. (Cf.: Noah Smith.)
  3. We have brains design by evolution to do three things: calculate (a) whether the fruit is ripe; (b) whether it is safe to leap to the next branch, and (c) whether we should and how best to amuse men (women) so that they might mate with us. We do not have ranged can reliably make complicated and appropriate moral-philosophical calculations under conditions of great uncertainty and ignorance.

But that modern private capitalist financial markets are ridden by market failures of human psychological myopia, institutional map-design, and asymmetric information–and thus use the wrong hurdle rate–provides no reason at all for using the wrong hurdle rate when solving the public-sector part of the societal-welfare optimization problem.

Moreover, I have a punchline three: The argument as I have made it so far is a very general argument. It creates, in my mind at least a very strong and so far unrebutted (but possibly, with sufficient very hard intellectual work, rebuttable) presumption that the appropriate real hurdle rate is an expected return of less than 2% per year.

But ever since 2005 or so we have been in a very unusual time. For a large number of poorly understood reasons, the world has been awash in savings and yet short of investment. The appropriate hurdle rate has thus been less than the one established by the general argument. We are still in an unusual time. The U.S. labor market no longer has large obvious amounts of slack, but as the Paul Krugman with his Krell-like brain points out, considerations of asymmetric policy risks and global rather than local macroeconomic balance strongly suggest that the right policy is to still act as though the U.S. still has large obvious amounts of slack, and so needs to penalize saving and encourage investment at the margin by more than it is currently doing.

Must-Read: S. Dorn and M. Buettgens: The Cost to States of Not Expanding Medicaid

Must-Read: S. Dorn and M. Buettgens: The Cost to States of Not Expanding Medicaid:

If the nineteen nonexpansion states expanded Medicaid, they would see economic savings…

States that have expanded Medicaid report net budget savings, furthering the claim that nonexpansion states are losing out on potential economic savings. From 2017 through 2026:

  • For every $1 a state spends on Medicaid expansion, it draws in $7 to $8 from the federal government.
  • By expanding Medicaid, the 19 states that have yet to expand Medicaid would see an estimated $27 billion drop in uncompensated care spending.
  • If the 19 holdout states expanded Medicaid, the federal government would spend $43 billion less on uncompensated care and $129 billion less on marketplace subsides.

Conclusion: For most states with relevant analyses, net budget gains are expected for the foreseeable future, even after states begin paying 10 percent of expansion costs.

Must-Read: Josh Brown: Reaction: Jesse Livermore–Boy Plunger

Must-Read: Josh Brown: Reaction: Jesse Livermore–Boy Plunger:

Reminiscences… may no longer be the quintessential book… Tom Rubython’s exhaustively researched Boy Plunger

…a broader, more salient look at the greatest and most tragic trader of all time… the young dirt farmer’s childhood, his early exploits in the bucket shops of Boston, his wild nights in Palm Beach, the leisure-filled days in Great Neck, Long Island and his halcyon days on Wall Street. We see Jesse the connoisseur of fine yachts and seducer of beautiful showgirls, Jesse the scoundrel and market manipulator, Jesse the patriotic plunger who helps JP Morgan save the country…. We’re along for the ride as our antihero scrapes and schemes his way to legitimacy and operates at the highest levels of the game. We bear witness to the many incredible boom-and-bust cycles of the Livermore story, from rags to riches and back again too many times to count.

In 1929, after making more money during the week of the Great Crash than any speculator before or since, Jesse Livermore’s fortune is estimated at greater than $100 million. Within just a few years, he has lost it all and is millions of dollars in the hole. How can one man be so brilliant and determined to outsmart the world, and then treat himself and his accomplishments with such reckless disregard? Reminiscences only scratches the surface on this aspect of the story. This new book takes us deeper…. The summer isn’t over yet. If you’ve got other books in your queue, I’m going to strongly suggest you push them back a bit and get to Boy Plunger now…

Tom Rubython: Jesse Livermore–Boy Plunger: The Man Who Sold America Short in 1929

Must-Reads: August 11, 2016


Should Reads: