Must-Reads: November 7, 2016

  • Barry Eichengreen: Rethinking Capital Controls: “Worries persist that capital controls create a breeding ground for both corruption and distortions in resource allocation…
  • Paul Krugman (2013): Phantom Crises: “Simon Wren-Lewis is puzzled by a Ken Rogoff column that sorta-kinda defends Cameron’s austerity policies…
  • Paul Krugman (2008): The Rogoff Doctrine: “Ken Rogoff is one of the world’s best macroeconomists. But…
  • Richard Mayhew: County Level Inequities in the ACA: “Health wonks like to say that the ACA is not a single program but fifty-one programs… works well in some states (California) and poorly in others (Arizona) and muddles through in most…
  • FT: The Prevailing Case for Caution by Central Banks: “The US Federal Reserve signalled a high likelihood that interest rates will be raised when it meets next in December…
  • Cosma Shalizi: Advanced Data Analysis from an Elementary Point of View: “It Is also important to be clear that when we find the regression function is a constant…

Should Reads:

Must-Read: Cosma Shalizi: Advanced Data Analysis from an Elementary Point of View

Must-Read: Cosma Shalizi vs. the Econometricians:

Cosma Shalizi: Advanced Data Analysis from an Elementary Point of View: “It Is also important to be clear that when we find the regression function is a constant…

…μ(x) = μ0 for all x, that this does not mean that X and Y are statistically independent. If they are independent, then the regression function is a constant, but turning this around is the logical fallacy of “affirming the consequent”. As in combining the fact that all human beings are featherless bipeds, and the observation that a cooked turkey is a featherless biped, to conclude that cooked turkeys are human beings. An econometrician stops there; an econometrician who wants to be famous writes a best-selling book about how this proves that Thanksgiving is really about cannibalism.

DeLong Smackdown Watch: Simon Wren-Lewis and Ann Pettifor Take Their Whacks

Simon Wren-Lewis: Ann Pettifor on mainstream economics: “Ann has a article that talks about the underlying factor behind the Brexit vote…

…Her thesis, that it represents the discontent of those left behind by globalisation, has been put forward by others. Unlike Brad DeLong, I have few problems with seeing this as a contributing factor to Brexit, because it is backed up by evidence, but like Brad DeLong I doubt it generalises to other countries…


Simon Wren-Lewis: A divided nation: “There is no reason why we need to choose between the economic and the social types of explanation…

…Kaufmann and Johnston et al can both be right. As Max Wind-Cowie says (quoted by Rick here):

Bringing together the dissatisfied of Tunbridge Wells and the downtrodden of Merseyside is a remarkable feat, and it stems from UKIP’s empathy for those who have been left behind by the relentless march of globalisation and glib liberalism.

Both these explanations see antagonism to the idea (rather than the actuality) of migration as the way an underlying grievance got translated into a dislike of the EU. But was immigration really so crucial? A widely quoted poll by Lord Ashcroft says a wish for sovereignty was more important. The problem here, of course, is that sovereignty – and a phrase like taking back control – is an all embracing term which might well be seen as more encompassing than just a concern about immigration. It really needs a follow-up asking what aspects of sovereignty are important. If we look at what Leavers thought was important, the “ability to control our own laws” seemed to have little to do with the final vote compared to more standard concerns, including immigration.

However there are other aspects of the Ashcroft poll that I think are revealing. First, economic arguments were important for Remain voters. The economic message did get through to many voters. Second, the NHS was important to Leave voters, so the point economists also made that ending free movement would harm the NHS was either not believed or did not get through to this group. Indeed “more than two thirds (69%) of leavers, by contrast, thought the decision “might make us a bit better or worse off as a country, but there probably isn’t much in it either way””. Whether they did not know about the overwhelming consensus among economists who thought otherwise, or chose to ignore it, we cannot tell.

Third, Leave voters are far more pessimistic about the future, and also tend to believe that life today is much worse than life 30 years ago. Finally, those who thought the following were a source of ill rather than good – multiculturalism, social liberalism, feminism, globalisation, the internet, the green movement and immigration – tended by large majorities to vote Leave. Only in the case of capitalism did as many Remain and Leave voters cite it as a source of ill. These results suggest that Leave voters were those left behind in modern society in either an economic or social way (or perhaps both).

Taking all this evidence into account it seems that the Brexit vote was a protest vote against both the impact of globalisation and social liberalism. The two are connected by immigration, and of course the one certainty of the Brexit debate was that free movement prevented controls on EU migration. But that does not mean defeat was inevitable, as Chris makes clear. Kevin O’Rourke points out that the state can play an active role in compensating the losers from globalisation, and of course in recent years there has been an attempt to roll back the state. Furthermore, as Johnston et al suggest, the connection between economic decline and immigration is more manufactured than real. Tomorrow I’ll discuss both the campaign and what implications this all might have.

Must-Read: FT: The Prevailing Case for Caution by Central Banks

Must-Read: There are two big questions for the Federal Reserve:

  1. Why, if you want to tighten monetary policy, are you doing so first by raising interest rates rather than by shrinking the balance sheet?
  2. Why are you so sure that your models predicting inflation rising above 2% in 2018 are superior to market expectations which see inflation as remaining below 2% into the next decade?

The first remains a mystery to me. Nobody has yet set out for me how the Federal Reserve views the relationship among its four tools of interest on reserves, the Federal Funds rate, the size of its balance sheet, and forward guidance.

I think the answer to the second is: The Fed does not think that its forecasts are superior, but does think that if inflation gets above 2% it will be unable to nudge it down without triggering a recession. This belief that attempts to nudge inflation down will fail has turned 2% from a target to a ceiling. And the FT is not a happy camper:

FT: The Prevailing Case for Caution by Central Banks: “The US Federal Reserve signalled a high likelihood that interest rates will be raised when it meets next in December…

…The markets took the Fed at its word…. The Fed’s enthusiasm for raising interest rates at all remains something of a puzzle. Growth in the real economy, both gross domestic product and the labour market, remains strong. But given the uncertainties of recent years, and historically low labour market participation in the US, the size of the output gap and the exact location of full employment are a mystery. The Fed’s preferred measure of inflation, the personal consumption expenditure deflator with energy and food prices stripped out, remains below the 2 per cent target, as do expectations of future inflation…. Across most advanced economies, the underlying picture is the same: inflation remains historically low and there are few signs of a sustained rise caused by excessive demand. Central banks should err on the side of keeping monetary policy loose.

Must-Read: Richard Mayhew: County Level Inequities in the ACA

Must-Read: Richard Mayhew: County Level Inequities in the ACA: “Health wonks like to say that the ACA is not a single program but fifty-one programs… works well in some states (California) and poorly in others (Arizona) and muddles through in most…

…This is… good… but… incomplete….  The ACA as experienced has some state level components… Medicaid… risk pool/risk adjustment… but the Exchanges are… at the zip code and county level…. Tennessee is an extreme example…. Perry County… [has] an extreme Silver gap at $97.62… a single carrier, Blue Cross and Blue Shield of Tennessee that offers two Silver plans. Roane County… a single carrier… Humana. However Humana is offering only a single Silver plan…. There is no chance of a good deal for a Silver below benchmark….

In Perry county, a 40 year old earning $25,000 a year, which is slightly more than 200% Federal Poverty Level (FPL), saves $100 a month or roughly 5% of their income because of the Silver Gap compared to the same individual in Roane County…. From a risk pool perspective, Perry County should be extremely healthy. The subsidies are rich enough that almost everyone can afford a plan even if it is a minimal Bronze plan. Roane County will see good uptake among people who earn under 150% FPL and decent uptake to 200% FPL. Above those income levels, there will be significant adverse selection as the deals just aren’t too good for healthy people, so the population will be fairly sick and expensive…. People in Perry County who are getting subsidized will see the ACA working really well. They have good, cheap health insurance.  However their cousins across the state are getting a raw deal… especially… as we move up the income scale…

Weekend reading: “Delivering equitable growth” edition

This is a weekly post we publish on Fridays with links to articles that touch on economic inequality and growth. The first section is a round-up of what Equitable Growth published this week and the second is the work we’re highlighting from elsewhere. We won’t be the first to share these articles, but we hope by taking a look back at the whole week, we can put them in context.

Equitable Growth round-up

Recessions happen. But how often and why? The length of the current U.S economic expansion has some worried that a recession is imminent. Yet looking around to see a potential cause of the next recession finds nothing immediately.

Equitable Growth released two new working paper this week, looking at the how unstable scheduling affects parenting and the roles of fiscal and monetary policy. City University of New York economist J.W. Mason, co-author of the second paper, writes about how the metaphor of “fiscal space” is all backwards.

Was inequality higher in the past than previously thought? A new research paper looks at how the shift in business income away from corporations and toward so called pass-through entities in the United States can affect our measures of income inequality over time.

Employers in the United States seem to be increasing the skill requirements for their job postings. Is a slack labor market behind this upskilling? Or is it a longer term trend accelerated by the recession?

In the latest Equitable Growth in Conversation, Heather Boushey talks to Stefano Scarpetta of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development about how high levels of inequality may be affecting economic growth among advanced and emerging economies.

In new research on the tax increase on high-income Americans in 2013, University of California-Berkeley economist Emmanuel Saez finds evidence that the increases were an efficient way to raise revenue without harming economic growth.

Links from around the web

Wage growth is picking up in the U.S. labor market, but it’s not as strong as many might hope. What’s pushing down on wage growth? The chairman of the president’s Council of Economic Advisers, Jason Furman, and Princeton University economist Alan Krueger point to increasing monopsony power. [wsj]

In the aftermath of the Great Recession, economists had a debate about how much of the rise in U.S. unemployment was due structural increases versus a cyclical downswing. While that debate continues, American University’s Zidong An and Prakash Loungani at the International Monetary Fund argue those arguing for the cyclical case won the battle of 2010 to 2016. [econbrowser]

Gross domestic product growth has been tepid since the Great Recession. But maybe this low growth future isn’t something to be alarmed about? Alana Semuels writes about the possibility of focusing on something besides GDP growth. [the atlantic]

Policies such as paid sick leave are often thought of as only being a cost to employers and society. But the program also has benefits and not offering paid sick leave can have its own costs, Austin Frakt writes. [the upshot]

Want more entrepreneurs? Some people might tell you that encouraging risk taking is about increasing the upside gains. But it may also require limiting downside risks and a stronger safety net as Noah Smith argues. [bloomberg view]

Friday Figure

Figure from “Equitable Growth’s Jobs Day Graphics: October 2016 Report Edition

Equitable Growth’s Jobs Day Graphs: October 2016 Report Edition

Earlier this morning, The U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics released new data on the U.S. labor market during the month of September. Below are five graphs compiled by Equitable Growth staff highlighting important trends in the data.

The employment rate for prime-age workers reached a new high for the recovery. But that’s still below pre-recession levels.

Comparing this recovery to previous ones, the growth in the prime-age employment rate has been relatively weak.

Unemployment has been declining over the course of the recovery, but it’s worth looking at the large inequality in the rate by race and ethnicity.

Part-time unemployment for economic reasons hasn’t changed much in recent months and is still above pre-recession levels.

Nominal wage growth for production and nonsupervisory workers is picking up, but low inflation is what is driving real wage growth.

Note to Self: Inadequate Musings on Elements of Rogoff’s Debt Supercycle Hypothesis

Real Gross Domestic Product for European Union 28 countries © FRED St Louis Fed

It is, once again, time for me to think about Ken Rogoff’s hypothesis: his claim that right now the world economy as a whole is depressed because we are in the down phase of a debt supercycle–dealing with a debt overhang.

I have never been able to make enough sense of Rogoff’s perspective here to find it convincing.

I should, however, warn people that when I fail to see the point of something that Ken Rogoff has written, the odds are only one in four that I am right. The odds are three in four that he is right, and I have missed something important:

One way to view the situation is that there have been four serious diagnoses of the ills of the Global North. They are:

  • A Bernanke global savings-glut.
  • A Krugman-Blanchard return to “depression economics”.
  • A Rogoffian-Minskyite crisis of overleverage and debt overhang
  • A Summers secular-stagnation chronic crisis.

The policies recommended by the different diagnoses do differ.

  • A Bernanke global savings-glut chronic crisis requires shifts in global governance that reduce incentives to run large trade surpluses and a redistribution of world income to those with lower marginal propensities to save.
  • A Krugman-Blanchard return to “depression economics” requires larger automatic stabilizers, a higher inflation target, and perhaps a return of fiscal policy to preeminence
  • A Rogoffian-Minskyite temporary crisis of overleverage and of excessive underwater debt requires debt writedowns and financial-intermediary recapitalizations.
  • A Summers secular-stagnation chronic crisis of insufficiently-profitable risk-adjusted investment opportunities requires a shift in responsibility for long-run expenditure from private to government–” a more-or-less comprehensive socialization of investment”, as some guy once wrote.

Let me put the other three to the side, and focus on Rogoff here…

A principal implication of Rogoff’s hypothesis is that, if it is true, that there is no complete and quick fix : recovery is inevitably a lengthy process–although good policies can accelerate and bad policies retard full recovery.

As I understand it, the down phase of what Ken Rogoff calls a debt supercycle can be generated by some or all of:

  • a collapse of market risk tolerance, or of trust in the credit channel, itself generated by one or more of:
    • a failure to mobilize society’s risk bearing capacity,
    • inadequate capitalization of financial intermediaries,
    • a collapse in the reputation of financial intermediaries: either trust that they are long-term greedy, or confidence in their competence, or both.
  • a rise in fundamental riskiness.
  • the past issue of too much risky debt.
  • the past issue of too much risky debt that has become or is now perceived to be risky.
  • a decline in expectations of how much future cash flow there will be available for potential debt servicing.

How long it takes to work off a debt supercycle and rebalance the economy depends on the speed of the processes of:

  • economic growth, which raises cash flow for potential debt servicing.
  • capital depreciation, which by raising the profit rate also raises cash flow for potential debt servicing.
  • debt write-offs.
  • the normal pace of debt amortization.
  • unexpected inflation writing down nominal debts.
  • other forms of financial repression.

As long as we remain in the down-phase of the debt supercycle, even low interest rates do little to encourage the investment spending needed to drive the economy to full employment. Why? Because investment spending requires not just positive expected value given the interest rate, but also the commitment of risk bearing capacity, which is absent because of the debt overhang.

My first reaction is that the right way to deal with this is to rebalance the economy by undertaking economic activities that do not require the deployment of risk bearing capacity to set them in motion. Governments with exorbitant privilege that have ample fiscal space should borrow and spend–most desirably on things that raise potential output in the future, but other worthwhile activities that create utility are also fine.

As I wrote: We have underemployment. We have interest rates on government debt and thus the debt amortization costs of the government far below any plausible rate of return on productive public investments (or, indeed, any plausible social rate of time discount geared to a sensible degree of risk aversion and the trend rate of technological progress). Under such circustances, at least reserve currency-issuing governments with exorbitant privilege should certainly be spending more, taxing less, and borrowing.

But Rogoff seems to disagree:

Kenneth Rogoff (2011): The Second Great Contraction: “Many commentators have argued that fiscal stimulus has largely failed… because it was not large enough…

…But, in a “Great Contraction,” problem number one is too much debt. If governments that retain strong credit ratings are to spend scarce resources effectively, the most effective approach is to catalyze debt workouts and reductions…. Governments could facilitate the write-down of mortgages in exchange for a share of any future home-price appreciation…. Europe could perhaps be persuaded to engage in a much larger bailout for Greece (one that is actually big enough to work), in exchange for higher payments in ten to fifteen years if Greek growth outperforms…

And:

Kenneth Rogoff (2015): world’s economic slowdown is a hangover not a coma: “Vastly increased quality infrastructure investment… a great idea. But… not… a permanently sustained blind spending binge…

…What if a diagnosis of secular stagnation is wrong? Then an ill-designed permanent rise in government spending might create the very disease it was intended to cure…. There can be little doubt that a debt super cycle lies behind a significant part of what the world has experienced over the past seven years. This resulted first in the US subprime crisis, then the eurozone periphery crisis, and now the troubles of China and emerging markets. The whole affair has strong precedent…. America’s experience–whether one looks at the trajectory of housing and equity prices, unemployment and output, or public debt–has uncannily tracked benchmarks from past systemic financial crises. This is not to say that secular factors are unimportant. Most financial crises have their roots in a slowing economy that can no longer sustain excessive debt burdens…

Rogoff seems to have a counter. He seems to think that borrow-and-spend by governments with fiscal space will, or perhaps may, lead, ultimately, to disaster. Why? Because the fiscal space was never really there. The increase in debt issue will transform even the government’s old safe debt into risky debt. And the overhang of risky debt will be increased, worsening the problem.

The counter to that, of course is helicopter money: money printing- and financial repression-financed expansionary fiscal policy rebalances the economy at full employment without any risk of incurring a larger overhang of risky debt further down the road.

And Rogoff’s response to that is… what?



Relevant:

Paul Krugman: Airbrushing Austerity: “Ken Rogoff weighs in on the secular stagnation debate, arguing basically that it’s Minsky, not Hansen…

…that we”re suffering from a painful but temporary era of deleveraging, and that normal policy will resume in a few years…. Rogoff doesn”t address the key point that Larry Summers and others, myself included, have made–that even during the era of rapid credit expansion, the economy wasn’t in an inflationary boom and real interest rates were low and trending downward–suggesting that we”re turning into an economy that “needs” bubbles to achieve anything like full employment. But what I really want to do right now is note… people who predicted soaring interest rates from crowding out right away now claim that they were only talking about long-term solvency… people who issued dire warnings about runaway inflation say that they were only suggesting a risk, or maybe talking about financial stability; and so on down the line…. In Rogoff’s version of austerity fever all that was really going on was that policymakers were excessively optimistic, counting on a V-shaped recovery; all would have been well if they had read their Reinhart-Rogoff on slow recoveries following financial crises. Sorry, but no….

David Cameron didn’t say “Hey, we think recovery is well in hand, so it’s time to start a modest program of fiscal consolidation.” He said “Greece stands as a warning of what happens to countries that lose their credibility.” Jean-Claude Trichet didn’t say “Yes, we understand that fiscal consolidation is negative, but we believe that by the time it bites economies will be nearing full employment”. He said: “As regards the economy, the idea that austerity measures could trigger stagnation is incorrect … confidence-inspiring policies will foster and not hamper economic recovery, because confidence is the key factor today.” I can understand why a lot of people would like to pretend, perhaps even to themselves, that they didn’t think and say the things they thought and said. But they did.

And this part of Ken Rogoff’s piece appears to me to be on the wrong track:

Ken Rogoff: Debt Supercycle, Not Secular Stagnation: “Robert Barro… has shown that in canonical equilibrium macroeconomic models…

…small changes in the market perception of tail risks can lead both to significantly lower real risk-free interest rates and a higher equity premium…. Martin Weitzman has espoused a different variant of the same idea based on how people form Bayesian assessments of the risk of extreme events…. Those who would argue that even a very mediocre project is worth doing when interest rates are low have a much tougher case to make. It is highly superficial and dangerous to argue that debt is basically free. To the extent that low interest rates result from fear of tail risks a la Barro-Weitzman, one has to assume that the government is not itself exposed to the kinds of risks the market is worried about, especially if overall economy-wide debt and pension obligations are near or at historic highs already. Obstfeld (2013) has argued cogently that governments in countries with large financial sectors need to have an ample cushion, as otherwise government borrowing might become very expensive in precisely the states of nature where the private sector has problems…

Must-Read: Paul Krugman (2008): The Rogoff Doctrine

Must-Read: Paul Krugman (2008): The Rogoff Doctrine: “Ken Rogoff is one of the world’s best macroeconomists. But…

…Ken tells us that: “The huge spike in global commodity price inflation is prima facie evidence that the global economy is still growing too fast.” And then he calls for: “a couple of years of sub-trend growth to rebalance commodity supply and demand at trend price levels.” Um, why? Basically, the world is employing rapidly growing amounts of labor and capital, but faces limited supplies of oil and other resources. Naturally enough, the relative prices of those resources have risen–which is the way markets are supposed to work…. Presumably there’s some implicit argument in the background about why a sharp rise in the relative price of oil is more damaging than leaving labor and capital underemployed. But that argument isn’t there in Ken’s recent pieces. Model, please?

I agree that “Dollar bloc countries have slavishly mimicked expansionary US monetary policy” and that’s a real issue: the Fed is pursuing very loose policy to deal with a US financial crisis, and that’s inflationary in countries that are pegged to the dollar without facing our problems. But that’s an argument for breaking up Bretton Woods II; it’s not an argument for tighter Fed policy. Since this is coming from Ken Rogoff, I assume that there’s some deeper analysis here. But I can’t infer it from the articles I’ve read. Please, sir, can I have some more?

Must-Read: Paul Krugman (2013): Phantom Crises

Must-Read: Paul Krugman (2013): Phantom Crises: “Simon Wren-Lewis is puzzled by a Ken Rogoff column that sorta-kinda defends Cameron’s austerity policies…

…I want to focus on… Rogoff’s assertion that Britain could have faced a southern Europe-style crisis, with a loss of investor confidence driving up interest rates and plunging the economy into a deep slump…. I just don’t see how this is supposed to happen in a country with its own currency that doesn’t have a lot of foreign currency debt–especially if the country is currently in a liquidity trap…. You would think, given how many warnings have been issued about this possibility, that someone would have written down a simple model of the mechanics, but I have yet to see anything of the sort….

Suppose that investors turn on your country for some reason… a decline in capital inflows at any given interest rate… the currency depreciates. If you have a lot of foreign-currency-denominated debt, this could actually shift IS left through balance-sheet effects, as we learned in the Asian crisis. But… for Britain… IS shifts right…. The interest rate will rise… only because the loss of investor confidence is actually, through depreciation, having an expansionary effect…. If the central bank is worried about the inflationary effect of depreciation… we could… have a contractionary effect… run[ning] through the inflation fears of the central bank, which doesn’t seem to be at all what Rogoff or others are talking about….

What sounds like a straightforward claim–that loss of foreign confidence causes a contractionary rise in interest rates–just doesn’t come out of anything like a standard model…. Show me the model!… I know that many people find this line of argument, in which a loss of investor confidence is if anything expansionary, deeply counterintuitive. But macro, and especially liquidity trap macro, tends to be like that. So don’t give me your gut feelings; give me a coherent story about who does what, i.e. a model. I eagerly await a response.